scholarly journals NATIONAL INTEREST AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY: ASSESSING THE ‘COLLECTIVITY’ OF GLOBAL SECURITY IN THE COVID-19 ERA

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 499-507
Author(s):  
Hosea Olayiwola Patrick ◽  
Ernest Nene Khalema ◽  
Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu ◽  
George Mbara

Purpose of the study: The study's rationale is tied to examining the viability of global collective security within a continuously changing arena of national interest of actors. It assesses the basis for global actors' policy responses and actions in the fight against the novel coronavirus (Covid-19). Methodology: The study uses a secondary data scoping review technique focusing on collective security, national interest, and Covid -19 as the central themes. It utilizes the tenents of human nature, cooperation, and systemic considerations espoused in game theory’s stag hunt analysis and Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to explore the rationale for state actions in the global arena. Main findings: The paper confirms that while collective security is essential for global security, its efficacy is dependent on its alignment with states' national interests. Drawing from case observation of global superpowers' responses to Covid-19, the paper argues that the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly aligned to the pursuance of such security objective(s). The paper concludes that the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic could only be won if global actors shun the narrow gains of national interest and focus on the survival of all through collective policy efforts. Application: The study is relevant as it adds to the body of knowledge and analysis for geopolitics and international relations. It is also a useful prototype in theory testing and analysis within politics and international relations subfields. It is also relevant in the discourse of global public health and human security. Novelty: The need to assess the methodology and need for collective action in the face of global threats is imperative. Thus, the study serves as an eye-opener and acknowledgment of the declining status of collective security in the face of national interest despite the clamor pre- and post-United nations formation and aim for world peace. Therefore, the global and 'borderless' impact of Covid-19 serves to buttress the assertion that the integrity of collective security is a function of national interest alignment. In essence, collective security is only 'collective' and effective when state actors' national interests are directly in agreement with the pursuance of such security objective(s).

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faruk Ekmekci

The conventional approach in the discipline of International Relations is to treat terrorist organizations as "non-state" actors of international relations. However, this approach is problematic due to the fact that most terrorist organizations are backed or exploited by some states. In this article, I take issue with the non-stateness of terrorist organizations and seek to answer the question of why so many states, at times, support terrorist organizations. I argue that in the face of rising threats to national security in an age of devastating wars, modern nation states tend to provide support to foreign terrorist organizations that work against their present and imminent enemies. I elaborate on my argument studying three cases of state support for terrorism: Iranian support for Hamas, Syrian support for the PKK, and American support for the MEK. The analyses suggest that, for many states, terror is nothing but war by other means.


Author(s):  
Edward Newman

This chapter describes the evolution of the role of the UN Secretary-General in the context of international relations, paying particular attention to the historical origins of the office within the international civil service. It explores the challenges faced by the Secretary-General in seeking to act independently on behalf of the global interest, in a political environment characterized by competing national interests and power politics. It also considers whether the process that resulted in the appointment of António Gutteres in 2016—seen as the most transparent, meritocratic, and inclusive in the history of the UN—might enable the Secretary-General to be more effective in the face of the many pressures upon the office.


2020 ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boykova Elena Vladimirovna ◽  
Tuul D

Science diplomacy is an increasingly important component of the trilateral partnership complex among China, Mongolia and Russia at the present time. Being a form of public diplomacy, it serves as a means of promoting and protecting national interests of the states that are the parties of the “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor” project. Diplomacy of scholars of the three countries is a promising format for international contacts with potential impact on international relations, particularly in Northeast Asia. Science diplomacy allows to expand the circle of non-state actors that are representatives of Russia, China and Mongolia, thereby increasing the number of participants of international relations. Scholars of the three countries have accumulated considerable experience of bilateral cooperation in various fields, which suggests that there are favorable prospects for expansion of tripartite contacts among them. Interaction of scholars of the three countries is a form of public diplomacy, in the frames of which the participants of the process combine functions of academic and public figures. Орчин үеийн Орос-Хятад-Монгол гурван улсын хамтын ажиллагааны хүрээн дэх шинжлэх ухааны салбарын  дипломат харилцаа Хураангуй: Шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа нь орчин үеийн Хятад, Монгол, Орос гурван талын түншлэлийн нэг цогц чухал бүрэлдэхүүн хэсэг юм. Гурван улсын эрдэмтдийн дипломат харилцаа нь улсуудын хоорондоо холбоо тогтоох ирээдүйтэй хэлбэр бөгөөд олон улсын харилцаанд, түүнчлэн, Зүүн хойд Азид эрдэмтдийн хамтын ажиллагааны үзүүлэх үйлчлэл, нөлөө багагүй нөөц бололцоотой билээ. Шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа нь Орос, Хятад, Монгол гурван улсын төлөөлөгч - төрийн бус оролцогчдын хүрээг тэлж өгч, улмаар олон улсын харилцаанд оролцогчдын тоог нэмэгдүүлдэг. Гурван улсын эрдэмтэд төрөл бүрийн салбарт хоёр талын хамтын ажиллагааг хөгжүүлж, ихээхэн туршлага хуримтлуулсан нь цаашид өөр хоорондоо гурван талын холбоо харилцааг өргөтгөхөд таатай нөхцөл бүрдэх тухай яриа өрнүүлэх боломжийг бүрдүүлж байна. Гурван улсын эрдэмтдийн хамтын ажиллагаа нь олон нийтийн дипломат харилцааны нэг хэлбэр бөгөөд энэ харилцааны хүрээнд явагддаг үйл ажиллагаанд оролцогчид шинжлэх ухааны болон олон нийтийн салбарт хийгдэх ажлуудыг өөрсдийн хүрээнд хамруулаад явдаг. Түлхүүр үгc: шинжлэх ухааны салбарын дипломат харилцаа, Хятад-Монгол-Орос гурван улсын эдийн засгийн коридор, гурван талын харилцан хамтын ажиллагаа, олон нийтийн дипломат харилцаа, Зүүн Хойд Азийн олон улсын харилцаа


2019 ◽  
pp. 319-334
Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski

The paper aims to present water as a weapon of war in the Tigris-Euphrates Basin, as well as the role and significance of water for a new architecture of global security. The main goal of the study is to find an answer to the research question of whether water the Tigris-Euphrates Basin will be still a tool for fighting or cooperation as an effective tool for facing strategic challenges. The research hypothesis is that the issue of challenges related to water in the Euphrates River basin will, first of all, follow the social and political-economic relations between Turkey, Iraq and Syria and external factors. The research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. Moreover, this research is based on the neorealist theory of international relations, and the concept of international constellation analysis, as well as the theory of neo-institutionalism. Future anarchical global security architecture will lead to a hegemonic system of water relations. Therefore, without international coordination and far-reaching strategy in the face of the emerging anarchic global security structure, stable water cooperation in this region cannot be reached.


Author(s):  
Michelle Vicky Gunawan

<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


1978 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Martin Rochester

The “national interest” has proven to be a highly resilient concept, not only in terms of its malleability in the hands of foreign policymakers and various publics but also in terms of its ability to retain currency among several generations of international relations scholars despite repeated efforts to discredit it. There have been several attempts recently to rehabilitate the concept, including one by the Commission on the Organization of the Government for the Conduct of Foreign Policy which recognized that repudiation of the term by academics did not absolve practitioners from their continuing responsibility to define it. However, the problem with recent attempts on the part of scholars as well as practitioners to reformulate the “national interest” is that they fail to take into account adequately the new realities of world politics which have tended to upset the normal calculus. If the identification of “national interests” has defied precise analysis in the past, it is an even more difficult task today.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fachrie

This research analyzes how Switzerland faces dilemmatic options in responding to the European Union Sanctions towards Russia in the crisis of Ukraine. Switzerland faces dilemmatic options, because it has good political and economic European Union. In this research, journals, books and reports are collected and used as data and theory in order to analyze the problem. Eventually, this research found that Switzerland decides to not directly relations with the European Union (EU) and Russia. In this study, the qualitative method is used to analyze the attitudes and behavior of Switzerland as a country in considering its national interests. Neoliberalism is used as a framework in analyzing the attitude and behavior of Swiss in imposing sanctions towards Russia as a response of its national interest, because this country considers non-state actors in decision making process in relations between Switzerland and European Union. Finally, this research found that Switzerland decides not to unequivocally support EU sanctions against Russia and choices for pragmatic behaviors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Asep Kamaluddin Nashir ◽  
Yugolastarob Komeini ◽  
Hesti Rosdiana

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan irisan dan keterkaitan erat antara lingkungan strategis, strategist, dan strategi dalam perkembangan isu-isu keamanan internasional. Selain itu, faktor national will setiap negara memberikan pemahaman berbeda tentang perspektif strategis dan perumusan strategi yang dihasilkan. Hasil dari tulisan ini menjelaskan bahwa lingkungan strategis menjadi preferensi strategist atau para pengambil kebijakan dalam merumuskan kebijakan atau strategi, dengan mempertimbangkan national will untuk menghadapi perkembangan lingkungan strategis. Dengan kata lain, identifikasi lingkungan strategis bagi aktor negara menjadi sebuah keharusan untuk menjamin tercapainya kepentingan nasional. Identifikasi tersebut berkonsekuensi pada pemahaman strategist dalam menyusun strategi untuk mencapai kepentingan nasional sebuah negara.Kata-kata kunci: Lingkungan strategis, National Will, Natuna, Indo-Pasifik This paper aims to explain the links between the strategic, strategic, and strategic environments in the development of international security issues. Furthermore, we seek to explain why a countries national will provide a different understanding of the resulting strategic perspective and strategy formulation. The results of this paper explain that the strategic environment becomes the preference of strategists or policymakers in formulating policies or strategies, taking into account the national will, to adapt to the development of the strategic environment. In other words, identifying the strategic environment for state actors is a must to ensure the achievement of national interests. This identification has consequences on strategic understanding in formulating strategies to achieve the national interest of a country.Keywords: Strategic environment, National Will, Natuna, Indo-Pacific


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Glen Matthew

ABSTRAKRohingya conflict in Myanmar has been a crucial issue in the midst of global society. Having been rolling since the British colonial era in Myanmar, concrete actions are needed in resolving conflicts, which involving Rohingya Muslims and Buddhist Rakhine. This conflict has spread to sectarian conflicts and therefore must be resolved immediately. This article is written to see national interest of Indonesia and Indonesian way of diplomacy as a country with largest Muslim population in the world, also as a fellow ASEAN countries, in ending the Rohingya conflict. Researcher will observe Indonesia’s national interest in this issue using the paradigm of realism, one of the theories in the study of International Relations. Realist thought is based on the search for power and domination. The research will use qualitative methods conducted by doing a literature study. The results of research from various source, show that in achieving national interests, Indonesia must use Indonesian style diplomacy summarized in a free and active foreign policy.Keywords: Conflict, Rohingya, Indonesia, Myanmar, National Interest, Diplomacy, RealismKonflik Rohingya di Myanmar, sudah sekian lama menjadi isu yang krusial di tengah-tengah masyarakat global. Telah bergulir sejak era penjajahan Inggris di Myanmar, diperlukan langkah-langkah konkrit dalam penyelesaian konflik yang melibatkan kaum Muslim Rohingya dan Rakhine yang beragama Buddha. Konflik ini telah merambah menuju konflik sektarian dan oleh karena itu harus segera diselesaikan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat kepentingan nasional Indonesia dan cara Indonesia berdiplomasi sebagai negara dengan jumlah penduduk Muslim terbesar di dunia dan juga sebagai sesama negara ASEAN, dalam penyelesaian konflik Rohingnya. Peneliti akan mengamati kepentingan nasional Indonesia dalam isu ini dengan menggunakan paradigma realisme, salah satu teori dalam studi Hubungan Internasional. Pemikiran kaum realis sendiri berlandaskan pada pencarian kekuasaan dan dominasi. Penelitian akan menggunakan metode kualitatif yang dilakukan dengan cara melakukan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian dari berbagai sumber, menunjukkan bahwa di dalam mencapai kepentingan nasional, Indonesia harus menggunakan diplomasi ala Indonesia yang terangkum dalam kebijakan politik luar negeri bebas aktif. Kata-Kata Kunci: Konflik, Rohingya, Indonesia, Myanmar, Kepentingan Nasional, Diplomasi, Realisme


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