A SHORT HISTORY OF PALEONTOLOGY IN TURKEY, PART II: PALEONTOLOGY IN THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 202-243
Author(s):  
VOLKAN SARIGÜL

ABSTRACT Succeeding a period of wars and political turmoil, the reassuring policies of the new regime of Turkey positively influenced all branches of science, including geology which provided a basis for the earliest studies in paleontology, as it had done in the former Ottoman Turkey. Although most of the specialists were still foreigners during the early years of the republic, the government of Turkey under the leadership of Atatürk, rapidly established modern institutions in order to train native earth scientists and engineers of all sorts. Turkish paleontologists began to replace their foreign colleagues by the 1940s; and female Turkish paleontologists became especially prominent not only in the universities but also in the national geological surveys and mapping, and in fossil fuel exploration. Subsequent to their separation from departments of natural sciences, teaching fundamentals of paleontology was taken on by geology departments which, by the 1960s, started to evolve into departments of geological engineering. As a result, most Turkish paleontologists are geologists and most of them specialized either in micropaleontology or paleobotany. In contrast, paleontology of late Cenozoic mammals is dominated by graduates of anthropology programs.

Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Linda K. Kerber

The old law of domestic relations and the system known as coverture have shaped marriage practices in the United States and have limited women's membership in the constitutional community. This system of law predates the Revolution, but it lingers in U.S. legal tradition even today. After describing coverture and the old law of domestic relations, this essay considers how the received narrative of women's place in U.S. history often obscures the story of women's and men's efforts to overthrow this oppressive regime, and also the story of the continuing efforts of men and some women to stabilize and protect it. The essay also questions the paradoxes built into American law: for example, how do we reconcile the strictures of coverture with the founders' care in defining rights-holders as “persons” rather than “men”? Citing a number of court cases from the early days of the republic to the present, the essay describes the 1960s and 1970s shift in legal interpretation of women's rights and obligations. However, recent developments – in abortion laws, for example – invite inquiry as to how full the change is that we have accomplished. The history of coverture and the way it affects legal, political, and cultural practice today is another American narrative that needs to be better understood.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Biggs

In recent years, American diplomatic and military historians have begun to reexamine Cold War-era nation-building efforts in Vietnam and elsewhere. This essay explores the contested and contingent meanings of some US-sponsored nation-building programs established in the Republic of Vietnam during the 1960s. By focusing on nation-building activities in the Mekong Delta province of An Giang during the peak years of the Vietnam War, this essay suggests how historians may begin to assess these indirect effects of the war within a more nuanced, local Vietnamese historical framework. Such a history necessarily focuses on particular places and on the specific social and environmental conditions that shaped the course and outcome of nation-building projects undertaken there. Despite the universalist aspirations inherent in nation building, its effects varied widely from one place to another. In assessing the course and fate of these nation-building initiatives, this essay draws from the varied archival documents produced and collected by American provincial advisors during their stays in An Giang. A close reading of these reports reveals why the history of American nation-building programs in the Republic of Vietnam cannot be explained solely by reference to ideologies of modernization and counterinsurgency.


2004 ◽  
Vol 118 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Daniel F. Brunton

The Ottawa Field-Naturalists’ Club (OFNC) represents an unbroken chain of organized, non-governmental natural history investigation and education dating back to the early days of the city of Ottawa itself. The Club originated in 1863 with the formation of the Ottawa Natural History Society which became the Natural History branch of the Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society in 1870, from which the OFNC formally separated in March 1879. Since that time, it has grown into Canada’s oldest and largest regional natural history organization and has produced a diverse and internationally recognized publication program. Since 1880 The Canadian Field-Naturalist and its predecessors have constituted the scientific core of the OFNC’s publication program, with Trail & Landscape being an important Ottawa Valley publication since the late 1960s. The importance of both publications to the growth and health of the organization is reflected in the major surges in Club membership experienced when each of these publications was established. The focus of membership activities has changed over the history of the OFNC, with enlightened natural resource management, then original scientific research and local exploration directing energies in the early decades. By the early years of the 20th century the publications program become the raison d’etre of the Club, almost to the exclusion of local field activities. A renewed interest in field discovery and the growth of conservation awareness in the 1960s, however, rekindled local activities and re-established the balance which has sustained the organization throughout its history. Natural environment education has remained a critical theme within OFNC programs and activities. Over and above inspiring the professional careers and private interests of thousands of individuals for more than a century, the OFNC has had an important and lasting impact on the conservation of natural environment features and landscapes in Canada and North America.


Subject The May 22 parliamentary elections. Significance The elections had the lowest turnout in the history of the Republic of Cyprus and brought about significant changes in the composition of the chamber. They were conducted amid a climate of fragile economic recovery and talks with the Turkish Cypriots on reunification. The outcome was a weakening of parliamentary support for the talks and a louder voice for nationalist, anti-austerity and anti-reform views. Impacts The government that is in place will not be affected because Cyprus has a presidential system. However, the lack of a parliamentary majority could hinder the Cypriot economy's fragile recovery. Resolving the division of Cyprus problem would be a significant positive boost for the very insecure Eastern Mediterranean.


2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-34
Author(s):  
Tae Yang Kwak

AbstractPark Chung Hee presided over the Republic of Korea (ROK) longer than any other leader (1961–1979) and he remains the individual most responsible for defining the country's formative features. Having witnessed the worst excesses of Park's later years, many of the early scholars of Korean politics have characterized the whole of Park's long rule as a monolithic dictatorship. One of these pioneering scholars, Sungjoo Han, locates the moment of “the failure of Korean democracy” in 16 May 1961, the very day that Park and his co-conspirators seized control from Prime Minister Chang Myn through a military coup d'état. However, like the man himself, Park's career was complex and highly adaptive. Many historians now distinguish Park's rule into three distinct periods: the first and most tenuous years (1961–63) when he directed the government through a military junta, the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction; the middle years (1963–72) of elected presidential rule, referred to as the “Third Republic”; and the final years (1972–79) of dictatorial rule under the Yusin system, the “Fourth Republic.” In his early years, Park had begrudgingly adhered to a minimally democratic framework before finally turning to formal authoritarianism as the American war in Vietnam came to an end.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 49-73
Author(s):  
Michael Antolović

This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.


Al-Qadha ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Faisal

The journey of the Religious Courts that has been passed in such a long period oftime means that we are talking about the past, namely the history of the Religious Courts.With the entry of Islam into Indonesia, which for the first time in the first century Hijri (1 H /7 AD) brought directly from Arabia by merchants from Mecca and Medina, the communitybegan to implement the teachings and rules of Islamic religion in everyday life. The ReligiousCourt is one of the Special Courts under the authority of the Supreme Court as the highestcourt in the Republic of Indonesia. As an Islamic Judiciary that had been established longbefore Indonesia's independence, the Religious Courts certainly could not be separated fromthe changes that occurred considering the reign of the Government of Indonesia had been heldby various people with different backgrounds, politics and goals, surely it would have animpact on the existence Religious Courts both materially and immaterially, including duringthe Dutch and Japanese colonial rule in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Tyas Dian Anggraeni

<p>Tanah dalam konsep budaya Jawa menjadi hal yang amat sakral dan penting. Bagi masyarakat Jawa, tanah memiliki nilai yang setara dengan harga diri manusia. Seperti halnya di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY), tanah memiliki nilai tersendiri, termasuk juga sistem pengelolaannya. Bahkan Undang-undang Nasional tidak mampu menembus sistem pengelolaan tanah di DIY. Tulisan ini akan mengkaji lebih jauh tentang sejarah keistimewaan urusan pertanahan di Kasultanan dan Paku Alaman Yogyakarta dan realitasnya dalam menyikapi Rancangan Undang-Undang keistimewaan Yogyakarta. Dengan menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, sejarah penguasaan dan pemilikan tanah oleh raja atau Sultan Yogyakarta dan Paku Alam merupakan pelaksanaan kesepakatan dari perjanjian Giyanti yang dikukuhkan kembali dalam amanat penggabungan diri Sultan dan Paku Alam ke dalam Pemerintahan Republik Indonesia. Dengan demikian Yogyakarta mempunyai sistem pengelolaan tanah yang khusus, ada yang mengikuti hukum pertanahan nasional, dan ada pula yang masih diatur oleh Rijksblad Kasultanan dan Rijksblad Paku Alaman. Agar tidak menimbulkan masalah atau polemik baru dalam dinamika politik dan sejalan dengan sistem hukum nasional, masalah pertanahan di DIY perlu mendapat perhatian khusus.</p><p>Land in the concept of Javanese culture into something that is sacred and important. For the Javanese, the land has a value equivalent to human dignity. As in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY), the land has value, including its management system. Even the National Law can not penetrate the soil management systems in the province. This paper will examine further features of the history of land affairs in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and Paku Alaman and reality in the bill addressing the privilege of Yogyakarta. By using a normative juridical methods, the history of the control and ownership of land by the king or the Sultan of Yogyakarta and Paku Alam is an implementation of the agreement Giyanti agreement which reaffirmed the mandate of merging himself Sultan and Paku Alam to the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. Thus Yogyakarta has a special system of land management, there are following the national land laws, and some are still governed by the Sultanate and Rijksblad Rijksblad Paku Alaman. In order not to cause any problems or new polemical and political dynamics in line with the national legal system, problems of land in the province needs special attention.</p>


Author(s):  
Egnara Vartanyan

Introduction. The article is devoted to reflecting the ideas of Turkish philosopher, sociologist, culture expert Ziya Gyokalp in the concepts of Kemalism, to the problem of reasonable mutual influence of the East and West, to the attempts of the first President of the Republic of Turkey Mustafa Kemal Atatyurk to introduce turkish society in the Westernized civilization in the 1920–1930s. The first Turkish president interpreted the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp, who fought for the synthesis of national traditions and European civilization achievements. The president defined such milestones in the political life of Turkey as europeanization, nationalism, laicism, etatism, revolutionism, nationality, republicanism. The article shows the struggle of westernists and traditionists; calls of nationalists to preserve national traditions, study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions to make their adapting to new conditions of life in modernity easier. Only the balance between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and era, while the westerners called for the transfer of European values to the national soil. Methods. The historical-typological and historical-system research methods used in the article allowed to analyze the typology and transformation of Turkish culture in the first two decades of the republic’s existence. Analysis. The article shows the struggle of Westerners and Traditionalists, the appeals of nationalists to preserve national traditions, to study the history of Muslim peoples and state institutions in order to adapt them for modern life more easily, because only the relationship between traditionalism and modernism can correspond to the realities of a particular society and to the modern epoch, while Westerners wanted to bind European values and national soil. Results. The article draws the conclusion that fundamental principles of Kemalism were formulated by M.K. Atatyurk and implemented by him and his supporters not immediately, but step by step, beginning with 1918. The ideology of Kemalism is in tune with the ideas of Ziya Gyokalp to a great extent. The paper emphasizes that during the decades since the first attempts to modernize Turkey the state has taken unprecedented steps to import Western culture. Undoubtedly, transformations in Turkish society in the field of government, culture, and everyday life were of progressive importance. It contributed to national strengthening of Turkey and its transition from feudal to bourgeois forms of social life.


Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.


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