scholarly journals Érdekérvényesítés a nemzetközi kereskedelmi tárgyalásokon. Peg Murray-Evans: Power in North-South Trade Negotiation

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (12) ◽  
pp. 1299-1302
Author(s):  
Tamás Szigetvári
Keyword(s):  
1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4I) ◽  
pp. 579-599
Author(s):  
Robert E. Baldwin

Until negotiations collapsed in early December, the Uruguay Round gave promise of being the most significant multilateral trade negotiation since 1947, when the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GA TI) was implemented and tariffs levels of the industrial countries were sharply cut. There are at least three reasons for this conclusion. First, by agreeing at the outset to bring both agriculture and textiles under GATT discipline, the participants created the opportunity for both rich and poor agricultural exporting nations and relatively low-wage, newly industrializing LDCs to benefit significantly from GATT-sponsored trade negotiations. Prior to the Uruguay Round, the benefits to these countries of such negotiations had been limited, since these two sectors were excluded from any significant liberalization. Second, by agreeing to formulate new rules relating to trade in services, trade-related aspects of· intellectual property rights, and trade-related investment issues, members took an important step in modernizing the GATT. As economic globalization has accelerated, there is a growing realization that arms-length merchandise transactions, the traditional concern of the GATT, are only one aspect of the real-side economic relations of current concern to national policy-makers and the economic interests they represent Now international commercial activities also involve merchandise trade among multinational firms and their foreign affiliates, international trade in services among independent agents as well as among affiliated enterprises, foreign direct investment activities, production nf goods and services in foreign affiliates for sale either abroad or at home, international flows of technology, and temporary movements of labour across borders. Although the so-called new issues in the Uruguay Round do not cover all of these matters, they go a considerable way in making the GATT more relevant for dealing with the problems of increasing internationalization.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  

AbstractNegotiators for powerful, self-reliant states tend to be less responsive to weak states relative to domestic constituents, while negotiators for states entangled in ties of asymmetric interdependence with more powerful states tend to be more responsive to the demands of powerful states than to the demands of domestic constituents. Asymmetrical power does not necessarily lead to asymmetrical results, however, because negotiators in weaker states may, nevertheless, have more attractive non-agreement alternatives and a longer shadow of the future. Negotiators with attractive non-agreement alternatives will be more willing to put agreement at risk by withholding concessions in the negotiation process. Centralized and vertical institutions are often a bargaining liability precisely because weak states tend to be less responsive to domestic constituents, whereas divided government can be a major asset. These propositions are demonstrated through an analysis and reconstruction of the North American Free Trade negotiation process.


Author(s):  
Marek Záboj

The main objective of the contribution is proposal of the model of co-operative trade alliance for independent trade alliances with fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) in Czech Republic. Reason of the choice of this topic is sustain of variety of retail formats in Czech market in connection with position small and medium sized trade firms in comparison with transnational trade chains. Independent trade firms face to much bigger competitors operating supermarkets and hypermarkets, namely not even in size of sales area, width and depth of the assortment but also in possibility of negotiation of more profitable trade conditions with their suppliers. Effort of these independent trade firms, which operate mostly just in local or maximally regional market, is then mutual co-operation in form of consumer co-operatives, associations, alliances and networks. These groupings then mainly through common trade negotiation and purchase get for much more advantageous delivery and payment conditions from their suppliers. Besides they can participate in mutual financing of using of promotion instruments. Partial aim of the paper is investigation of opinion and willingness of Czech trade alliances with FMCG to utilize the opportunity of mutual co-operation in common trade alliance. Next partial goal is identification of the factors affecting formation of joint co-operative grouping and its structure, eventually definition of entry conditions which should be fulfilled by individual members.The system approach will be used to realize the given objective. This approach appears as the most suitable in consideration of anticipated structure and character of supposed model. The result will be then proposal of model of mutual co-operation between individual trade alliances.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-213
Author(s):  
Cathy S. McKinnell

Soon after the implementation of the Uruguay Round, U.S. agricultural exports reached their highest level. Now many things, including exchange rates, factor into any rise in exports, but almost all economists agree that lowering trade barriers through trade agreements has been a critical factor. The vast majority— 96 percent—of potential customers for U.S. products, including agricultural products, live outside the United States. We must work to increase our opportunities to sell into these global markets.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Sheikh Shahnawaz

There is a dearth of scholarship on the relationship between international trade and health status in countries. This paper contributes to filling this gap by proposing a formal analytical framework to study the link between the extent of health issues carved out from trade agreements by negotiating countries and their expenditure on public health. We also examine the role played by the nature of the political and fiscal regime prevalent in the country in the securing of the carve-outs. The model predicts that a higher level of carve-outs is more likely for countries that have relatively low levels of public health spending and which tend to be more politically free and fiscally liberal. We provide anecdotal evidence that supports our findings.


2000 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Hindley ◽  
Heinz Hauser ◽  
Ulrich Hiemenz

AbstractThis economic policy forum addresses the subject “New Challenges for the WTO: Do we need a Millennium Round?”. Brian Hindley has serious doubts whether the Millennium-Round should be revived. While the EU suggests that an agreement on competition policy should be essential for new multilateral trade negotiations, the Departement of Justice which administers competition policy in the US is less enthusiastic about the idea. The same applies to rules on investment. The author discusses both aspects of the EU’s extended agenda proposals and comes to the conclusion, that what is left is a rag bag. A bag that contains some useful issues, some dubious ones, some downright bad ones, but without enough content to fuel a credible multilateral trade negotiation. His conclusion is, that perhaps the case for multilateral agreements on competition policy and investment can be strengthened and if the Commission can do that, it should. The case for a Millennium Round based on the extended agenda is weak.In the opinion of Heinz Hauser, a new Millennium Round has a high potential to fail. The author discusses his hypothesis in three steps. First, he draws attention to the question, which conclusions can be seen from Seattle. Second, he analyses the political environment for a hypothetically new round. He wants to substantiate that the expected results of a new round would be more harmful than beneficial for a liberal world trade arrangement. In a third step Hauser makes clear that the compliance with the committments form the Uruguay Round is still unsatisfactory.The paper by Ulrich Hiemenz argues that a better integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system is a key challenge at the beginning of the new millennium. He emphasises that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the WTO would provide a window of opportunity for all participating countries to improve their living standards through better market access, greater domestic efficiency and higher productivity. Developing countries could even benefit more from further trade liberalisation than industrialised countries, provided they implement the domestic policy reforms necessary to capture these benefits.


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