scholarly journals El espejismo de la autonomía indígena: mirada a la situación de una comunidad en la Orinoquía Colombiana

2017 ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Laura Calle Alzate
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Harmful Effects

<p>The 1991 Constitution opened spaces for political participation of indigenous peoples but also perpetuated harmful effects such as the formation of elites articulated the state apparatus. Based on my ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss how these societies have given up on their ability to participate and act politically. For some of the indigenous peoples of the Llanos, the creation of an indigenous political elite, results in the resignation of the indigenous social movement as a political subject, firstly, and secondly, the entrance to a new dispute characterized by struggle for the resources of the Colombian state and the multinationals present in the region. The dispute to manage resources is linked to the struggle for the political arena legitimized by the system resources that ultimately only benefits the indigenous elite and its closest circle. Therefore one can speak of indigenous autonomy as a mirage and not a reality.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>

scholarly journals La batalla por la democracia

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERNESTO GANUZA ◽  
Heloise Nez ◽  
Ernesto Morales
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Participatory Budgeting ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Local Participation ◽  
Urban Social Movements ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Set Up

The emergence of new participatory mechanisms, such as participatory budgeting, in towns and cities in recent years, has given rise to a conflict between the old protagonists of local participation and the new citizens invited to participate. These mechanisms offer a logic of collective action different to what has been the usual fare in the cities – one that is based on proposal rather than demand. As a result, it requires urban social movements to transform their own dynamics in order to make room for a new political subject (the citizenry and the non-organised participant) and to act upon a stage where deliberative dynamics now apply. The present article aims to analyse this conflict in three different cities that set up participatory budgeting at different times: Porto Alegre, Cordova and Paris. The associations in the three cities took up a position against the new participatory mechanism and demanded a bigger role in the political arena. Through a piece of ethnographic research, we shall see that the responses of the agents involved (politicians, associations and citizens) in the three cities share some arguments, although the conflict was resolved differently in each of them. The article concludes with reflections on the consequences this conflict could have for contemporary political theory, especially with respect to the role of associations in the processes of democratisation and the setting forth of a new way of doing politics by means of deliberative procedures.

scholarly journals Autonomia Indígena no Pensamento Político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz e Gersem Baniwa

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Ana Catarina Zema de Resende
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
Rio Negro ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Indigenous Organizations

Nos últimos 30 anos, a autonomia se tornou um novo paradigma na luta dos povos indígenas por descolonização. Organizações indígenas de todo o continente americano assumiram a autonomia como demanda central. No entanto, o debate em torno das demandas indígenas por autonomia tem gerado muitas polêmicas decorrentes da incompreensão sobre o que querem os movimentos indígenas quando reivindicam seu direito à autodeterminação e autonomia. Para melhor entendimento dessa questão, interessa-nos, aqui, trazer alguns elementos e conceitos que possibilitem apreciar as contribuições de três intelectuais indígenas a esse debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk do Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec eGersem Baniwa, do povo Baniwa do Alto Rio Negro e das propostas do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que a maneira como esses intelectuais e o EZLN vêm construindo suas ideias sobre autonomia funciona como veículo para suas críticas à imposição de controle por parte do Estado, levando esse último a perceber as inconsistências de seus próprios princípios e do tratamento que dá aos povos indígenas.Palavras-Chave: Autonomia Indígena, Pensamento Político, Autodeterminação, Movimento Indígena.Autonomía indígena en el pensamiento político de Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa y en las propuestas del EZLNResumen: En los últimos 30 años, la autonomía se ha convertido en un nuevo paradigma en la lucha de los pueblos indígenas por descolonización. Organizaciones indígenas de todo el continente americano asumieron la autonomía como demanda central. Sin embargo, el debate en torno a las demandas indígenas por autonomía ha generado muchas polémicas derivadas de la incomprensión sobre lo que quieren los movimientos indígenas cuando reivindican su derecho a la autodeterminación y a la autonomía. Para entender mejor esta cuestión, nos interesa, aquí, traer algunos elementos y conceptos que posibiliten apreciar los aportes de tres intelectuales indígenas a ese debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk de Canada; Floriberto Díaz, mixe de Tlahuitoltepec y Gersem Baniwa, del pueblo Baniwa del Alto Río Negro y de las propuestas del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). Veremos que la manera como estos intelectuales y el EZLN vienen construyendo sus ideas sobre autonomía funciona como vehículo para sus críticas a la imposición de control por parte del Estado, llevando ese último a percibir las inconsistencias de sus propios principios y del trato que da a los pueblos indígenas.Palabras-clave: Autonomía Indígena, Pensamiento Político, Autodeterminación, Movimiento Indígena.Indigenous autonomy in the political thought of Taiaiake Alfred, Floriberto Díaz, Gersem Baniwa and in the EZLN proposalsAbstract: Over the last 30 years, autonomy has become a new paradigm in the struggle of indigenous peoples for decolonization. Indigenous organizations throughout the Americas assumed autonomy as a central demand. However, the debate over indigenous demands for autonomy has generated many controversies which were derived from the misunderstanding of what indigenous movements want when they claim their right to self-determination and autonomy. To better understand this question, we are interested here in bringing up some elements and concepts that make it possible to appreciate the contributions of three indigenous intellectuals to that debate: Taiaiake Alfred, mohawk from Canada; Floriberto Diaz, mixe of Tlahuitoltepec and Gersem Baniwa, from the Baniwa people of the Alto Rio Negro and of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) proposals. We will see that the way these intellectuals and the EZLN construct their ideas about autonomy functions as a vehicle for their criticism of the imposition of control by the State, leading the latter to perceive the inconsistencies of its own principles and the treatment it gives to indigenous peoples.Keywords: Indigenous Autonomy, Political Thought, Self-Determination, Indigenous Movement.

scholarly journals Aboriginal women in Australia: from domestic workers to big politics. Part 2. Political arena

2020 ◽  
pp. 426-440
Author(s):  
N.S. Skorobogatykh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Domestic Workers ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Character ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Aboriginal Women ◽  
Human Rights Movement

In this part of the article analyzes the participation of aboriginal women in the political life of their country and their activity on the parliamentary arena. The main character is Linda Burney, whose life and work vividly embodies the main features of the modern stage in the Australian indigenous peoples’ human rights movement

Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

Africa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-547
Author(s):  
Roger Southall
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Black Middle Class ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
National Union ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.

scholarly journals Multifaceted Islam: Malaysia

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-87
Author(s):  
Ju. V. Roknifard
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Islamic Identity ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Malaysian Politics

This paper analyzes the Islam’s impact on the Malaysian politics. Islam as an instrument of Malaysia’s foreign policy has been used by the political elite of the state for decades. Observers note the Islamization of the country’s foreign policy, especially during the premiership of Najib Razak (2008– 2018). However, the trend towards Islamization can be traced back to the moment Malaysia gained independence from Great Britain in 1957 and especially during the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). The formation of such a foreign policy of Malaysia took place against the background of the Islamization of the political and social environment within the country, which, in turn, was the result of an internal political struggle. Thus, the projection of Malaysia’s identity into the outside world and the foreign policy corresponding to this identity was often motivated by the need to retain or attract the support of the malay-muslim majority in the domestic political arena. Since many of the issues raised in the article relate to identity both at the national and global level, a constructivist paradigm is used to conceptualize Malaysia’s foreign policy with a special emphasis on the identity of states. Particularly important in this process is the formation of domestic and foreign policy discourse. Malaysia’s Islamic identity is viewed externally in three dimensions: the Sunni state, the activist state in the Islamic world and the standard of moderate Islam. Consideration of these dimensions reveals quite obvious contradictions between them, as well as between rhetoric and real politics.

Globalization, Governance, and the Emergence of Indigenous Autonomy Movements in Latin America: The Case of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-52
Author(s):  
Luciano Baracco
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Caribbean Coast ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Autonomy Movements ◽  
America Latina

A revisiting of Salvador Martí i Puig’s approach to globalization and the turn toward governance in explaining the roots and impact of the political mobilization of Latin America’s indigenous peoples since the 1990s recasts governance as a disciplinary regime that in the case of Nicaragua co-opted potentially radical oppositional movements into the neoliberal project that accompanied Latin America’s democratic transition. The discussion takes as its empirical case the autonomy process on Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast, which in its twenty-fifth year represents the most sustained devolution of power to indigenous peoples in Latin America. Una revisión de los estudios de Salvador Martí i de Puig sobre la globalización y el giro hacia la gobernanza como manera de explicar las raíces y el impacto de la movilización política de los pueblos indígenas de América Latina desde la década de 1990 reformula la gobernanza como un régimen disciplinario que, en el caso de Nicaragua, cooptó movimientos potencialmente radicales, convirtiéndolos en parte del proyecto neoliberal que se llevó a cabo a la par de la transición democrática de América Latina. Nuestra discusión se centra en un caso empírico: el proceso de autonomía en la costa caribeña nicaragüense. En su vigésimo quinto año, dicho proceso constituye la devolución de autonomía indígena más sostenida en América Latina.

Cultural Corporatism and the COC

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.

scholarly journals Kapitalisasi Modal dan Kepentingan Elit Politik (Studi Arena Perebutan Pemimpin Lokal Antara Anak Adat Moi di Kabupaten Sorong 2017)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Bustamin Wahid ◽  
Mohamad Saleh Refra ◽  
La Basri
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Financial Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Capital Theory ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Local Leaders

Political dynamics today is very competitive, all aspects are used as references in practical politics. For example, political elites refer to financial capital and social capital for political purposes (interest politics). The political elite in Sorong Regency makes the Moi custom as an access to legitimize sacredly for the sake of the election of local leaders. This article focused on assessing social capital and political elites in the election of local leaders, the scope of this study was in Sorong, and using social and elite capital theory as an analysis. Sorong regency is customary region of Moi tribe, custom becomes central and even big narration in election of local leader in Sorong regency. The hope and customary interests through the Moi customary council are able to fight for the rights and aspirations of Moi's indigenous peoples in determining their aspirations. To continue the aspiration of the community, the Moi custom council must make a decision through custom forum in Maladofok district of Sayosa to determine the readiness of customary man who deserve to be a leader in Sorong regency which in fact is the customary region of Moi. 

Bolivia and the Challenges of a Plurinational Democracy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waltraud Queiser Morales
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
Progressive Reform ◽  
Political Agitation ◽  
Indigenous Organizations ◽  
Democratic Election

Bolivia is in the process of consolidating 36 years of democracy amid important reforms and challenges. Despite a history of colonialism, racist oppression of the indigenous majority, and a national revolution and military reaction, the democratic transition to civilian rule and “pacted” electoral democracy among traditional political parties was established in 1982. The governments of pacted democracy failed to fully incorporate all of Bolivia’s citizens into the political process and imposed a severe neoliberal economic model that disproportionately disadvantaged the poor and indigenous. The constitutional popular participation reforms of 1994–1995 altered the party-dominated pacted democracy and opened up the political system to the unmediated and direct participation of indigenous organizations and popular social movements in local and national elections. Grassroots political mobilization and participation by previously marginalized and excluded indigenous groups and social movements, and the election of their candidates into office increased significantly. Indigenous and social movement protests erupted in the Cochabamba Water War in 2000 against the multinational Bechtel Corporation, and in the Gas War in 2003 against the export and exploitation of Bolivia’s natural gas. These mass demonstrations resulted in the turnover of five presidents in five years. The social and political agitation culminated in the game-changing, democratic election in December 2005 of Juan Evo Morales Ayma, as Bolivia’s first indigenous-heritage president. In office for 14 years, longer than all previous presidents, Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism party launched the “Refounding Revolution,” and passed the new Constitución Política del Estado (CPE), the progressive reform constitution that established a multicultural model of plurinational democracy. The Morales-MAS administration provided unprecedented continuity of governance and relative stability. However, amid charges of interference, relations deteriorated with the United States. And disputes erupted over regional and indigenous autonomy, and extractive economic development in the protected lands of native peoples, especially over the proposed road through the Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure, TIPNIS). These conflicts pitted highlanders against lowlanders, and divided indigenous organizations and social movements, and the government’s coalition of supporters. Contested term limits for the presidency created another acute and ongoing challenge. President Morales’s determination to run for re-election in 2019, despite constitutional restrictions, further tested the process of change and the resilience of Bolivia’s indigenous and social movement-based democracy.

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