Human Rights during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Hungary with Special Regard to the Right to Have Contact

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Orsolya Szeibert

In Hungary, the government declared a state of danger in March 2020 as a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic. The state of danger was lifted in June, but epidemological preparedness and state of medical crisis were declared by a government decree. In November 2020, the state of danger was declared for the second time, while epidemological preparedness was maintained. In February 2021, the state of danger was declared again. The list of the legal rules which changed and have been continuously changing because of the COVID-19 pandemic since March 2020 is extremly long and the new provision or the modifications have been heavily influencing the population's everyday life. The aim of this paper is to overview primarily the restrictions affecting human rights with special regard to the right to have contact as one of the patients' rights. Important issues of the parent-child contact affected by the COVID-19 pandemic is discussed, as well.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-58
Author(s):  
Nur Yusriyyah Bakhtiar ◽  
La Ode Husen ◽  
Muhammad Rinaldy Bima

Penelitian ini bertujuan, pertama, Menganalisis dan menjelaskan pemenuhan hak kebebasan berekspresi berdasarkan undang-undang nomor 9 tahun 1998 tentang kemerdekaan menyampaikan pendapat di muka umum. Kedua, Menganalisis upaya negara untuk melindungi hak asasi manusia dari tindakan anarkis dalam kebebasan berekspresi. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode penelitian hukum doctrinal normatif atau penelitian hukum kepustakaan, yaitu penelitian hukum yang dilakukan dengan cara meneliti bahan pustaka atau data sekunder yang terdiri dari bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder dan bahan hukum tersier. Bahan-bahan tersebut disusun secara sistematis, dikaji, kemudian ditarik suatu kesimpulan dalam hubungannya dengan masalah yang diteliti. Hasil penelitian ini: Pertama, Undang-Undang Nomor 9 Tahun 1998 tentang Kebebasan Mengemukakan Pendapat di Muka Umum, masih terdapat kekurangan berkaitan dengan pembatasan-pembatasan yang ada, sebab tidak dicantumkan jelas mengenai batasan yang tidak boleh dilanggar seseorang, agar tercipta relevansi di antara peraturan perundang-undangan. Kedua, Menyampaikan pendapat di muka umum merupakan hak bagi setiap warga negara, namun apabila tindakan yang dilakukan oleh para pengunjuk rasa berakhir anarkis, maka tidak dapat dikategorikan sebagai perbuatan melanggar Hak Asasi Manusia sehingga aparat kepolisian dapat menindak berdasarkan aturan hukum yang berlaku. This study aims, firstly, to analyze and explain the fulfillment of the right to freedom of expression under Law No. 9 of 1998 concerning freedom of expression in public. Second, Analyze the efforts of the state to protect human rights from anarchist actions in freedom of expression. This research was conducted with the method of normative doctrinal legal research or library law research, namely legal research conducted by examining library materials or secondary data consisting of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. The materials are arranged systematically, reviewed, then drawn a conclusion in relation to the problem under study. The results of this study: First, Law No. 9 of 1998 concerning Freedom of Expression in Public, there are still shortcomings related to existing restrictions, because there is no clearly stated boundaries that must not be violated by a person, so as to create relevance between regulations legislation. Second, expressing an opinion in public is a right for every citizen, but if the actions taken by the protesters end up being anarchist, then it cannot be categorized as an act of violating Human Rights so that the police can act based on applicable legal rules


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 258-264
Author(s):  
Chepulchenko T. О.

The article examines the modern concept of human rights as the universally accepted system of views and attitudes about the place and role of human rights in the society and the state. The list of human rights enshrined in these international instruments and the constitutions of many countries, was the result of a long historical development of samples and standards of human life and the entire community. It is emphasized that on the basis of a combination of natural and positivistic concepts of human rights and made possible the consolidation of fundamental freedoms in the constitutions of democratic States. The article focuses on the basic concepts of how to solve the problem of human rights and legal status of the individual which have developed in the history of legal theory and practice of various peoples: liberal (European) concept of human rights, collectivist, Islamic and traditionalist concept. It is emphasized that a decisive influence on the establishment of human rights made on the liberal conception of natural law doctrine, which established the priority of human rights, the new parameters of the relationship between the individual and the government. In the statement of the rights and freedoms of man played an important role in their ideological, doctrinal justification – the doctrine of natural human rights that do not depend on the discretion and arbitrariness of the government, and it is aimed at ensuring the rights defined by nature. Based on this doctrine and on the above mentioned international legal instruments, the new Constitution of Ukraine establishes a number of new rights, which were previously unknown or Constitution of the Soviet Ukraine nor the Ukrainian legislation: the right to life, right to dignity, the right to respect for private and family life, freedom of movement and free choice of residence, right to freedom of thought and speech, free expression of views and beliefs, and so on. Therefore, a new concept of the relationship between the Ukrainian state and the person with priority to the latter is brought to life, since the category of human rights operates solely in relations between man and power. Human rights are the limits of power. They define the sphere of human activity in which the power (the state) cannot interfere and the responsibilities which the state has for the human being. The article also discusses four generations of human rights, it is noted that in the XXI century. we can talk about the formation of the fourth generation of human rights, which is connected with the scientific discoveries in the field of microbiology, medicine, genetics and more. It is this generation that is at the center of intense debate precisely in terms of the naturalness of these phenomena and processes, from the standpoint of morality and worldview of a particular society, as well as based on the content of scientific doctrine. As a conclusion, the author writes that the legally enshrined legal position of a person has as its basis a liberal and natural-law concept, which stipulated as the primary principles freedom and inalienability, inalienability of human rights that belong to it from birth. Reference points are made in the relationship between the state and man - freedom, equality, the rule of law, the universality of human rights. And on these principles, principles, in addition to the actual scope of human rights and obligations, are exercised by these rights and freedoms. Keywords: constitution, concept of human rights, international legal act, human rights, natural law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Linda Evirianti

Everyone has the right of religious freedom or belief which becomes one of important parts of Human Rights (HAM/Hak Asasi Manusia). Thus, no one can be subjected to coercion that can interfere his freedom to adopt or embrace a religion or belief of his choice. The main characteristic of modern constitutional state is the guarantee of human rights in its constitution. In the Constitution NKRI 1945 has set human rights and the rights of citizens in the form of guarantees freedom for each citizen to embrace religion and worship according to their religion or belief. A state guarantees the freedom of each citizen to adopt a religion or belief, but the state (the government) must regulate the freedom in implementing and practicing a religion or belief so that the government can respect, protect, enforce and promote Human Right (HAM) and conserving security, order, health or public morals. Speaking of human rights in Islam is not an historical product arising from human ideology, a concept that has a theological dimension and will be accountable to God. Freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief is part of the most important human rights, even have status as a right that should not be reduced and violated under any circumstances. On the other hand, religious freedom protects the phenomenon that can be controversial and dangerous for human existence, because religion and systems of ideological belief can be misused to trigger intolerance, discrimination, prejudice, hatred, and violence.[Setiap orang berhak atas kebebasan beragama atau kepercayaan yang menjadi salah satu bagian penting Hak Asasi Manusia. Dengan demikian, tidak ada yang bisa terkena paksaan yang bisa mengganggu kebebasannya untuk mengadopsi atau menganut agama atau kepercayaan pilihannya. Karakteristik utama negara konstitusional modern adalah jaminan hak asasi manusia dalam konstitusinya. Dalam Konstitusi NKRI 1945 telah menetapkan hak asasi manusia dan hak warga negara dalam bentuk jaminan kebebasan bagi setiap warga negara untuk merangkul agama dan ibadah sesuai agama atau kepercayaan mereka. Sebuah negara menjamin kebebasan setiap warga negara untuk mengadopsi agama atau kepercayaan, namun negara (pemerintah) harus mengatur kebebasan dalam melaksanakan dan mempraktikkan agama atau kepercayaan sehingga pemerintah dapat menghormati, melindungi, menerapkan dan mempromosikan Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM). Dan melestarikan keamanan, ketertiban, kesehatan atau moral publik. Berbicara tentang hak asasi manusia dalam Islam bukanlah produk historis yang muncul dari ideologi manusia, sebuah konsep yang memiliki dimensi teologis dan akan bertanggung jawab kepada Tuhan. Kebebasan berpikir, hati nurani, agama dan kepercayaan adalah bagian dari hak asasi manusia yang paling penting, bahkan memiliki status sebagai hak yang tidak boleh dikurangi dan dilanggar dalam kondisi apapun. Di sisi lain, kebebasan beragama melindungi fenomena yang bisa kontroversial dan berbahaya bagi eksistensi manusia, karena agama dan sistem kepercayaan ideologis dapat disalahgunakan untuk memicu intoleransi, diskriminasi, prasangka, kebencian, dan kekerasan.]


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Ricky Tongam Marpahala Siahaan ◽  
Candra Perbawati ◽  
Ahmad Saleh

Protection of human rights is a responsibility that must be carried out by the state, in this case the state must also resolve cases of human rights violations that have occurred. There are many cases of human rights violations that occurred in the past but cannot be resolved because there are no legal rules that govern at that time. The presence of Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning the court of human rightss is certainly a way for the government to resolve the problem of gross human rights violations in the past. The principle of retroactivity was included in Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning the court of human rightss so that gross violations of human rights that occurred in the past could be resolved. The retroactive principle in Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning the court of human rightss is considered to violate existing regulations in Indonesia, especially it is considered contrary to the 1945 Constitution. -Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning the court of human rightss. This research uses normative research methods. The data used are secondary data in the form of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials, and tertiary legal materials. The results of this study indicate that the application of the retroactive principle in Law Number 26 of 2000 concerning the court of human rightss does not contain elements that are absolutely contradictory to the Law. 1945 foundation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 565
Author(s):  
Rommy Patra

Upaya mencegah dan menghapus praktik penyiksaan di Indonesia bukanlah persoalan yang mudah. Meski sudah meratifikasi Konvensi Menentang Penyiksaan dan mengakui hak untuk bebas dari penyiksaan sebagai HAM dan hak konstitusional, namun praktik penyiksaan di Indonesia masih juga berlangsung secara massif. Permasalahan dalam penelitian ini, pertama, faktor-faktor apa saja yang menyebabkan praktik penyiksaan masih terjadi di Indonesia? Kedua, upaya apa yang harus dilakukan untuk mencegah dan menghapus praktik penyiksaan dalam memperkuat perlindungan HAM dan hak konstitusional untuk bebas dari penyiksaan di Indonesia? Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan kasus dan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil kajian memperlihatkan bahwa, pertama, sejumlah faktor yang menyebabkan masih terjadinya praktik penyiksaan di Indonesia: (1) tidak adanya aturan hukum yang tegas dan memberikan sanksi yang berat kepada pelaku penyiksaan; (2) terinstitusionalisasinya praktik kekerasan dan penyiksaan di jajaran penegak hukum serta permisifnya masyarakat terhadap praktik tersebut; (3) mekanisme perlindungan dan pemberian kompensasi terhadap korban penyiksaan masih belum memadai. Kedua, perbaikan yang harus dilakukan mencakup: (1) adanya komitmen yang kuat dari pemerintah dengan membuat kebijakan penghapusan tindakan penyiksaan, seperti membuat Undang-Undang khusus menentang penyiksaan; (2) penataan institusi Kepolisian, Kejaksaan, TNI, Lembaga Pemasyarakatan serta lembaga-lembaga lainnya dengan meningkatkan pengawasan, memberikan sanksi yang tegas dan dilakukannya proses hukum jika masih terdapat praktik penyiksaan yang dilakukan. Selain itu perlu diberikan pendidikan HAM bagi personil institusi-institusi tersebut; (3) meningkatkan partisipasi masyarakat agar memiliki kesadaran untuk melawan setiap praktik kekerasan dan penyiksaan; (4) mengoptimalkan peranan lembaga seperti Komnas HAM dan LPSK untuk memberikan perlindungan dan pendampingan terhadap korban. (5) harus adanya pemenuhan terhadap hak-hak korban yang menjadi korban dari praktik penyiksaan.Efforts to prevent and eliminate the practice of torture in Indonesia are not easy. Although it has ratified the Convention Against Torture and recognizes the right for freedom from torture as human rights and constitutional rights, the practice of torture in Indonesia is still massive. The problem is, what factors cause the practice of torture to still occur in Indonesia? Then what efforts should be made to prevent and eliminate the practice of torture in strengthening human rights protection and constitutional rights for freedom from torture in Indonesia? The approach used in this study is the statute approach, case approach and conceptual approach. The results of the study show a number of factors that leads to the practice of torture in Indonesia: (1) the absence of strict legal rules and severe sanctions for perpetrators of torture; (2) institutionalization of the practice of violence and torture in the ranks of law enforcement as well as the permissiveness of the community towards the practice; (3) the mechanism for protecting and providing compensation to victims of torture is still inadequate. The improvements that must be made include: (1) a strong commitment from the government by making a policy of abolishing acts of torture, such as making a special law against torture; (2) structuring of the Police, Prosecutor's Office, TNI, Correctional Institutions and other institutions by increasing supervision, providing strict sanctions and carrying out legal proceedings if there are still practices of torture carried out. In addition, it needs education of human rights for personnel of these institutions; (3) increasing community participation in order to have awareness to fight every practice of violence and torture; (4) optimizing the role of institutions such as Komnas HAM and LPSK to provide protection and assistance to victims. (5) there must be rights fulfillment to the victims who become the victims of the practice of torture.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 353
Author(s):  
Helmi Kasim

This writing analyses access to water not merely as a right but as human  rights. Since the right to water constitues human rights, then constitutionally, the state, mainly the government, is obliged to respect, fulfil and protect that right. In order that the government can perform its obligation to fulfil the right of citizens   to water, the sate should put control of water under the power of the state. Thus, there are two perspectives in fulfilling the rights of citizens to water, human rights perspective and the perspective of state control. From the perspective of human rights, the 1945 Constitution has stipulated the obligation of the state in fulfilling the human rights of citizens including the right to water as stated in Article 28I paragrahp (4). From the perspective of state control over water resources, the 1945 Constitution has also determined constitutional standard as stipulated in Article 33. This concept of state control based on Article 33 has been interpreted by the Constitutional Court in its decisions. Specifically, in the decision concerning the law on water resources, the Court returned control over water to the state. The Court  set some limitations on how to utilize water resources. Private corporations are still allowed to participate in water management with strict conditions. The enhancement of this control by the state over water is intended to guarantee the fulfilment of the right of citizens to water. As an idea, monopoly of the state over water resources might be also be considered just like monopoly of state over electricity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403
Author(s):  
Barbara Pierre

The writer advocates the view that courts interpret statutes so as to achieve their aim; that being justice in the case: as between the parties and in respect of the law. This is identified as the common thread that explains the apparent erratic behaviour of the courts in their use of the various methods or rules of interpretation. The Supreme Court decision, Attorney General of Québec v. 2747-3174 Québec Inc., is analysed against the background of this theory and is seen to give support to it. The court is shown to use various rules of interpretation, which lead the majority to a wide, and the minority to a narrow, interpretation of the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms of Québec. Yet it is clear that in both cases the rules are merely a means to an end: justice as between the parties and in respect of the law. In context of the case, this means establishing a balance between the competing interests of the State and the citizen that conforms to the law relating to fundamental rights and in particular, the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms of Québec. As far as the State is concerned, it has a vested interest in confirming the constitutionality of its many administrative tribunals, which play an essential role in enabling the State to discharge its responsibility to govern. Citizens, on the other hand, need to be protected from the violation of their rights, in particular the right to an independent and impartial tribunal in matters relating to the determination of their rights and obligations, or charges brought against them. The Charter must be interpreted so that, in its scope and content, it gives real protection, but, consistent with the separation of powers doctrine, the interpretation must not amount to a usurpation by the courts of the role of the government to govern. The writer concludes that the opposing conclusions of the majority and minority are more a consequence of the difference in the opinion of the judges as to the manner in which the balance should be struck, as opposed to the rules of interpretation used by them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 751-770
Author(s):  
Miljan Lazović ◽  
Dušan Ilić

In this paper, the authors deal with the analysis of new antidiscrimination legal solutions proposed by the Ministry of Human and Minority Rights and Social Dialogue of the Government of the Republic of Serbia, which would redefine the relations between the state and the church. The focus of the research will be especially on those solutions that could threaten, on the one hand, the principle of secularity, and on the other hand, some of the fundamental human rights, such as the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The solutions proposed by the amendments to the Law on Prohibition of Discrimination, it seems, could be problematic from the standpoint of guaranteeing certain fundamental human rights and freedoms, but also the autonomy of churches and religious communities. Some of the proposals made by the Ministry could be seen as an attempt to return the verbal offence to the Serbian legal system. Accordingly, the authors will try to re-examine the possible impact of changes in antidiscrimination legislation on the relationship between the state and the church, but also on the possible suppression of religious rights and freedoms in the Republic of Serbia in the coming period.


Author(s):  
Chiedza Simbo

Despite the recent enactment of the Zimbabwean Constitution which provides for the right to basic education, complaints, reminiscent of a failed basic education system, have marred the education system in Zimbabwe. Notwithstanding glaring violations of the right to basic education by the government, no person has taken the government to court for failure to comply with its section 75(1)(a) constitutional obligations, and neither has the government conceded any failures or wrongdoings. Two ultimate questions arise: Does the state know what compliance with section 75(1)(a) entails? And do the citizens know the scope and content of their rights as provided for by section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe? Whilst it is progressive that the Education Act of Zimbabwe as amended in 2020 has addressed some aspects relating to section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution, it has still not provided an international law compliant scope and content of the right to basic education neither have any clarifications been provided by the courts. Using an international law approach, this article suggests what the scope and content of section 75(1)(a) might be.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


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