scholarly journals Social Classes in the Process of Capitalist Landnahme: On the Relevance of Secondary Exploitation

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Dörre

So far, growing social insecurity and inequality have not led to a revival of class-conscious labour movements in the centres of capitalism. This article builds upon Rosa Luxemburg’s concept of Landnahme to attempt to explain this phenomenon. In contemporary Germany, as in other developed countries, a transition from a society pacified by Fordist methods to a more strongly polarized class society is taking place– though characterized by a peculiar 'stabilization of the unstable'. An 'interior' Landnahme set in motion by financial capitalism has also severely aggravated secondary exploitation and the precarization of labour. Trade unions and the segment of the working class represented by unions often react by closing their ranks in exclusive solidarity. Faced with the prospect of downward social mobility, they develop defensive strategies to preserve their remaining social property – even at the expense of precarized groups. Such a disciplinary régime can only be broken if precarized groups and their forms of working and living are integrated into new structures of inclusive solidarity. Jusqu’ici, l’insécurité et l’inégalité croissante n’ont pas abouti à une renaissance des mouvements ouvriers dotés d’une conscience de classe au cœur du capitalisme. Cet article cherche à expliquer ce phénomène à partir du concept de Landnahme de Rosa Luxemburg. Dans l’Allemagne d’aujourd’hui, comme dans d’autres pays développés, une transition d’une société apaisée par des méthodes Fordistes à une société fortement polarisée est en train de se réaliser – bien que caractérisée par une étrange ‘stabilisation de l’instable’. Un Landnahme ‘intérieur’ mu par le capitalisme financier a également gravement renforcé l’exploitation secondaire et la précarisation de la classe ouvrière. Les syndicats et les fragments de la classe ouvrière que les syndicats représentent réagissent souvent en fermant leurs rangs dans une solidarité exclusive. Craignant la mobilité sociale descendante, ils développent des stratégies défensives afin de préserver la propriété sociale qui leur reste – même au dépens des groupes précarisés. Un tel régime disciplinaire peut seulement être brisé si les groupes précarisés et leurs formes de travail et modes de vie sont intégrés dans des nouvelles structures de solidarité inclusive.

2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Gilfillan

Despite the weaknesses of domestic fascist movements, in the context of the rise of Nazi Germany and the presence of antisemitic propaganda of diverse origin Edinburgh's Jewish leaders took the threat seriously. Their response to the fascist threat was influenced by the fact that Edinburgh's Jewish community was a small, integrated, and middle-class population, without links to leftist groups or trade unions. The Edinburgh community closely followed the approach of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in relation to the development of fascism in Britain, the most significant aspect of which was a counter-propaganda initiative. Another important aspect of the response in Edinburgh was the deliberate cultivation of closer ties to the Christian churches and other elite spheres of Scottish society. Despite some unique elements, none of the responses of Edinburgh Jewry, or indeed the Board of Deputies, were particularly novel, and all borrowed heavily from established traditions of post-emancipation Jewish defensive strategies.


Author(s):  
Olena GOLOVNYA

The article is devoted to the research of lobbying activities as an important component of the process of forming the state policy of socio-economic development. The author emphasizes that the Ukrainian economy has a high dependence on the external environment, as well as high sensitivity to global economic fluctuations. In turn, the openness of the country's economy is a significant factor in its involvement in modern value chains, global and regional integration. It is determined that securing a full-fledged public-private partnership in the modern world requires lobbying as a deliberate influence on the public by the authorities in order to make a number of economic decisions. The study found that the structure of the phenomenon of "lobbying" includes three main components: object, subject, technology. Thus, lobbying in the modern world appears to be a complex process of purposeful influence on the government in order to obtain the desired solution. The purpose of lobbying structures activities is often a series of decisions, in which the adoption of laws concerning economic activity and investment, innovation, and customs policies is of great importance. It is revealed that lobbying requires an extensive network of institutions and organizations - from trade unions and business owners to the media and civil society organizations. Significant influence on the advancement of national socio-economic priorities is exercised by consulting firms, mass media, non-state think tanks, various industry associations. Lobbying in developed countries is a tool for cooperation and communication that leads to progressive decisions that are beneficial to both business and society. This confirms the progressive experience of the USA and the EU. The study draws attention to the fact that Ukraine mainly practices shadow lobbying, since the activities of domestic lobbyists are not regulated by any legislative acts. This is explained by the fact that our business and political leaders benefit from such interaction when large financial and industry groups sponsor, large decision-makers and expensive electoral campaigns.


Author(s):  
Roberto Romani

- The essay deals with the Italian economists' debate on wages at the time of the advent of trade unions. This new fact altered the wage level and prompted Italian economists' to reconsider the principles and circumstances shaping wages. It is argued that abstract economic theory such as Pareto's and Pantaleoni's exerted little influence over the ongoing public debate. Yet economists of less abstract leanings that is, inspired by Marshall or Schmöller rather than Walras played a crucial role by disseminating among the public the ideas and experiences current in more developed countries and in Britain in particular. As usual in second comer countries, economists came to embody ‘modernity', although the relatively backward social and political situation of Italy made imitation impossible in practice (e.g. paying the high wages recommended by Brassey, Brentano, and others). JEL classification: B13, B15, J58. Keywords: wage; trade unions; Pareto; historical school.


Author(s):  
James Muldoon

This chapter argues that council theorists considered it important to shift the balance of power between social classes in order to achieve political transformation. It theorizes differences between those who advocated ‘organization’ (Kautsky) versus those who advocated ‘mobilization’ (Luxemburg, Pannekoek) as the most effective method of developing the independent power of the working class. It claims Karl Kautsky advocated a strategy of developing power through building worker-led organizations such as the party, unions, and the press. His strategy involved the gradual growth of power through organization-building, parliamentary activity, and developing workers’ consciousness within existing organizations. Underlying this strategy of organization lay a conception of power as something that could be incrementally developed and stored through sound organizing, discipline, and patience. In contrast, Rosa Luxemburg and Anton Pannekoek considered that power could only be developed through political struggle and direct clashes with the ruling class. They argued that previously unorganized workers could be mobilized through the escalating dynamics of political struggle and that consciousness-raising was best conducted in militant action rather than administrative party activities. These two fundamentally different analyses of how workers should develop their power shed light on different aspects of the council movements’ political struggle.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. e0259002
Author(s):  
Pedro Patrício ◽  
Nuno A. M. Araújo

We consider a simple theoretical model to investigate the impact of inheritances on the wealth distribution. Wealth is described as a finite resource, which remains constant over different generations and is divided equally among offspring. All other sources of wealth are neglected. We consider different societies characterized by a different offspring probability distribution. We find that, if the population remains constant, the society reaches a stationary wealth distribution. We show that inequality emerges every time the number of children per family is not always the same. For realistic offspring distributions from developed countries, the model predicts a Gini coefficient of G ≈ 0.3. If we divide the society into wealth classes and set the probability of getting married to depend on the distance between classes, the stationary wealth distribution crosses over from an exponential to a power-law regime as the number of wealth classes and the level of class distinction increase.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasra M. Shah ◽  
Makhdoom A. Shah

SummaryThis paper analyses the socioeconomic and health care determinants responsible for the decline over the last two decades in infant mortality in Kuwait. Published data and the results of a national health survey conducted in 1984–85 show the following. With the overall affluence of the society, health care in terms of immunization has improved dramatically and more than 90% of all children are covered. Of all births, 99% now occur in a hospital or clinic. About half of the mothers continue to breast-feed their babies for about 16 months. Despite these favourable conditions, differences still exist between social classes. The risk of stillbirth remains much higher among the poorer women, those without any education and those who gave birth at home. These findings are consistent with developed countries like the USA and Japan, where the social class differences in mortality still persist.


1968 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
William P. Glade ◽  
Jon G. Udell

In the literature of development, it is recognized that the possibilities for national economic growth are strongly conditioned by prevailing institutional patterns. Exogenous factors, such as international market trends, the supply of foreign investment funds, and terms of trade, define outer constraints on the growth of many less developed countries; but within these boundaries, the realizable growth depends on endogenously set parameters that influence public policy alternatives, the level and direction of domestic capital formation, and the scope and rapidity of structural economic changes. It is in this latter area that the study of institutional performance becomes relevant.To date, the focus of institutional analysis has been on a variety of social organizations that influence the economic process at one point or another, e.g., trade unions, political parties, financial intermediaries, land tenure systems, and government agencies.


Author(s):  
Ruslan Serbyn ◽  
Inna Zelenko ◽  
Elena Kiselyova ◽  
Maryna Voloshyna ◽  
Yevheniya Mykhaylovsʹka

The relevance of this article is due to the ambiguity of the situation of trade unions in Ukraine and the lack of an effective mechanism for the protection of the rights of public officials, which directly influences the development of the state as democratic and legal. The objective of the article is to analyze the state of activity and functioning of the trade union movement in the public administration, to: describe deficiencies in these activities and identify ways to extrapolate positive international experiences in the matter to Ukraine. The main methods used were the general methods of scientific and specific research, including the methods of logic, analysis and comparison of the sources collected. By way of conclusion, the results of this study highlight the problems of union functioning together with the peculiarities in the civil service, therefore, it is proposed to amend the current legislation of Ukraine in order to protect the social and labor rights of public officials. The importance of the results obtained is further reflected in the fact that this study can serve as a basis for outlining future changes to Ukraine's current legislation on the functioning of trade unions in the civil service.


Author(s):  
P.M. Lukichev

The article analyzes the main forms of manifestation of the "new inequality" caused by the coronavirus crisis. The author identifies the reasons for the growing inequality in developed countries and reveals its tendencies in incomes, benefits and compensations received, in welfare of various decile groups of employees. Among the causes of economic inequality there are: rent-seeking, misguided macroeconomic policy, the declining role of trade unions, the role of new technologies and changes in the structure of labor demand. A new form of economic inequality is revealed: the relationship between the level of health and the level of education (income). A new ruling class of developed countries has been identified that is interested in further strengthening economic inequality. The author shows that the pandemic has led to a sharp stratification of income and the welfare of employees, both within countries and between countries, turning inequality into a dangerous economic disease. According to the author, the most striking manifestation of the "new inequality" on a global scale is the lack of access to vaccinations in most countries of the world. The article shows the negative impact of income inequality on economic growth in the long run. The author believes that the "new inequality" requires a change in national macroeconomic policy after the coronavirus crisis.


2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 712-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Carter ◽  
Rae Cooper

Summary Trade unions in nearly all developed countries are facing major difficulties in maintaining membership levels and political influence. The U.S. labour movement has been increasingly attracted to an organizing model of trade unionism and, in turn, this response has caught the imagination of some sections of other Anglo-Saxon movements, most notably in Australia, New Zealand and Britain. Despite similarities in the problems that national union movements face, however, the histories and current experiences of trade unions in the various countries show marked differences. This article, based on extensive fieldwork in Britain and Australia, examines attempts to assess the importance of national contexts in the adoption of the organizing model through a comparative study of an Australian and a British union.


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