scholarly journals ESTADO BRASILEIRO NO LIMIAR DOS ANOS 1990: Estado-Coisa ou Estado-Sujeito?

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Monica Piccolo Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Single Class ◽  
Object State ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Relationship

Este artigo propõe-se a analisar em uma perspectiva crítica as principais concepções que predominam na literatura especializada acerca do Estado Brasileiro no limiar dos anos 1990. Toma como objeto de investigação as diversas interpretações construídas sobre algumas temáticas que marcaram a meteórica trajetória de Fernando Collor de Mello rumo a presidência da República. Serão assim analisadas algumas das mais importantes obras que têm como tema o Governo Collor na tentativa de mapear a concepção de Estado que predomina em cada obra. Parte-se da hipótese de que é hegemônica entre os analistas a concepção do Estado brasileiro nos primeiros anos de 1990 como Estado-Sujeito que paira acima de uma Sociedade Civil amorfa, passiva. A vertente explicativa aqui defendida, em uma perspectiva diferenciada e sustentada no arcabouço teórico gramsciniano, sustenta que as relações entre Estado e Sociedade devem ser problematizadas e desnaturalizadas. O modelo de Estado que se forjou, então, não é fruto, unicamente, dos interesses de uma única classe. Ele é visto enquanto relação social e fruto de conflitos entre sujeitos coletivos organizados a partir da sociedade civil e profundamente marcado pelos esforços de transformação do discurso e das práticas neoliberais em hegemônicosPalavras-chave: Estado. Neoliberalismo. Governo Collor. BRAZILIAN STATE ON THE BEGINNING OF THE YEARS 1990: Object-State or Subject-State ?Abstract: This paper aims to examine in a critical perspective the main conceptions that predominate in the specialized literature on the State on the threshold of the years 1990. The object of research are the various interpretations built on some thematic that marked the meteoric career of Fernando Collor de Mello into the Presidency of the Republic Some of the most important works that have as theme Collor's Government are analyzed in an attempt to map the conception that predominates in each work. Considering the hypothesis that it is hegemonic, among analysts, the conception of Brazilian State in the early years of 1990 as asubject State that hangs above an amorphous, Civil society. The explanatory section here defended, in a different perspective and sustained in the Gramscian theory, maintains that the relationship between the State and society must be raised and not naturalized. The State model that was forged, so it is not the result only of the interests of a single class. It is seen as a social relation and the result of conflicts among organized collective subjects from civil society and deeply marked by the speech transformation efforts and neoliberal hegemonic practices.Keywords: State. Neoliberalism. Collor's Government.ESTADO BRASILEÑO EN EL UMBRAL DE LOS AÑOS 1990: ¿Estado Cosa o Estado Sujeto?Resumen: Este trabajo se propone examinar en una perspectiva crítica los conceptos principales que predominan en la literatura especializada sobre el estado en el umbral de los años 1990. Tiene por objeto de investigación las diversas interpretaciones construidas sobre algunas temáticas que marcaron la carrera meteórica de Fernando Collor de Mello en la Presidencia de la República. Por lo tanto serán analizadas algunas de las obras más importantes que tienen como tema el gobierno de Collor, en un intento de mapear la concepción que predomina en cada obra. Se basa en la hipótesis que es hegemónica entre los analistas es el diseño del estado brasileño en los primeros años de 1990 como un estado de sujeto suspendido encima de una Sociedad Civil, amorfa. La sección explicativa aquí defendida, en una perspectiva diferente y sostenido en el teórico gramsciano, mantiene que la relación entre el estado y la sociedad debe plantearse como problematizadas y desnaturalizadas. El modelo de estado que forjó, así por lo tanto, no es el resultado sólo de los intereses de una sola clase. Él es visto como una relación social y el resultado de conflictos entre tema organizado colectivos de la sociedad civil y profundamente marcada por las actividades de procesamiento de voz y neoliberal hegemónico en prácticas.Palabras clave: Estado. Neoliberalismo. Collor gobierno.

scholarly journals Modern models of social partnership in Uzbekistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 152-161
Author(s):  
Alisher Muminov
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Effective Interaction ◽  
The State ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Effective Mechanism ◽  
Social Partnership ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual

Currently, the special importance of social partnership is acknowledged as an effective mechanism for involving the general public in participation in the socio-political, socio-economic and cultural life of the country in Uzbekistan. In this regard, the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh.Mirziyoyev pointed out the need for consistent implementation: “the principle of mutual responsibility of citizens, the state and society, the connection of their rights and obligations. This principle serves as the basis for effective interaction between the state and the individual, the state and civil society in solving the important tasks facing our country. This article is devoted to the analysis of reforms aimed at the development of social partnership in Uzbekistan.

Система взаимодействия государства и гражданина в Узбекистане: обновление и пути развития

2021 ◽  
pp. 247-273
Author(s):  
Ильяс Тавасович Тультеев ◽  
Омон Закирович Мухамеджанов
Keyword(s):  
Public Services ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Management ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Administrative Procedures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Further Development

The article is devoted to the analysis of some theoretical and practical aspects of such a phenomenon as the system of interaction between the state and the citizen in the Republic of Uzbekistan, as well as the consideration of the place of legal values in this system, the grounds and conditions for the establishment of e-democracy, the importance of administrative procedures and public services. The characteristic of the basic legal values of the system of interaction between the state and citizens is given, the position is argued according to which constitutional values determine the essence of the relationship between them. E-democracy is considered in the context of the process of increasing the participation of citizens in the democratic management of state affairs, ensuring the transparency of the activities of state bodies, as well as their interaction with the population. The authors notes that the elements of e-democracy are most visibly manifested in the practice of interaction between the state and society. Given the assessment of the state of development of e-democracy in the country, the authors made an attempt to consider the prospects for its further development in Uzbekistan. Administrative procedures and public services are considered as instruments of interaction between the state and the population, in the context of dialogue between the state and the citizen.

scholarly journals Modelo de doble tensión para analizar las estrategias de reconocimiento pleno de las diversidades sexuales en los debates de ciudadanía

2015 ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Claudia M. Hurtado-Caycedo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Limited Resource ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Sexual Diversity ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
The Relationship

Nivel: ComunicadoFecha de recepción: 20 de julio de 2011Fecha de aprobación: 1 de septiembre de 2011ResumenEl artículo argumenta que al menos en el contexto colombiano, los reconocimientos de las diversidades sexuales son limitados por negociarse preponderantemente en un campo político de tipo jurídico. En otras palabras, las limitaciones para lograr una real ciudadanía igualitaria pueden ser parcialmente atribuibles a que los debates se localizan en un campo que reconoce la dimensión jurídica, a la vez que desconoce la dimensión simbólica, y en la misma línea, reduce la sociedad política a la institución estatal.Se propone un modelo de análisis de doble tensión que desplaza la discusión al campo de la ciudadanía, el cual se construye en la relación Estado - Sociedad Civil, y en el que también se reconoce la dimensión simbólica de lo que cuenta como político. Encuadrado en este modelo hace un seguimiento de la potencia que tiene la Marcha de la Ciudadanía Plena LGTB para ampliar la noción de ciudadanía, incluyendo las diversidades sexuales.Palabras clave: Ciudadanía, Diversidad Sexual, LGTB. AbstractIn this article I argue that, at least in the Colombian context, incorporating sexual diversity through the Constitutional Court is a limited resource. In other words, the difficulties to reach an actual equal-rights citizenship might be attributed in part to the fact that the debate is being held limited to a legal ground and community. Accordingly, I propose an analysis based on a “double-tension” model that shifts the discussion towards citizenship, which is a field that is built in the relationship between the State and the civil society (civilians). Moreover, it is also in this field that the symbolic dimension of what is considered “political” is recognized. Framed in this this “double-tension” model, I present a discussion of the influence that a movement entitled “Marcha de la Ciudadanía Plena lgbt” has had in terms of extending the notion of citizenship, to include the sexual diversities.Key words: Citizenship, Sexual Diversity, lgbt.

scholarly journals Modelo de doble tensión para analizar las estrategias de reconocimiento pleno de las diversidades sexuales en los debates de ciudadanía

2015 ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Claudia M. Hurtado-Caycedo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Limited Resource ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Sexual Diversity ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
The Relationship

Nivel: ComunicadoFecha de recepción: 20 de julio de 2011Fecha de aprobación: 1 de septiembre de 2011ResumenEl artículo argumenta que al menos en el contexto colombiano, los reconocimientos de las diversidades sexuales son limitados por negociarse preponderantemente en un campo político de tipo jurídico. En otras palabras, las limitaciones para lograr una real ciudadanía igualitaria pueden ser parcialmente atribuibles a que los debates se localizan en un campo que reconoce la dimensión jurídica, a la vez que desconoce la dimensión simbólica, y en la misma línea, reduce la sociedad política a la institución estatal.Se propone un modelo de análisis de doble tensión que desplaza la discusión al campo de la ciudadanía, el cual se construye en la relación Estado - Sociedad Civil, y en el que también se reconoce la dimensión simbólica de lo que cuenta como político. Encuadrado en este modelo hace un seguimiento de la potencia que tiene la Marcha de la Ciudadanía Plena LGTB para ampliar la noción de ciudadanía, incluyendo las diversidades sexuales.Palabras clave: Ciudadanía, Diversidad Sexual, LGTB. AbstractIn this article I argue that, at least in the Colombian context, incorporating sexual diversity through the Constitutional Court is a limited resource. In other words, the difficulties to reach an actual equal-rights citizenship might be attributed in part to the fact that the debate is being held limited to a legal ground and community. Accordingly, I propose an analysis based on a “double-tension” model that shifts the discussion towards citizenship, which is a field that is built in the relationship between the State and the civil society (civilians). Moreover, it is also in this field that the symbolic dimension of what is considered “political” is recognized. Framed in this this “double-tension” model, I present a discussion of the influence that a movement entitled “Marcha de la Ciudadanía Plena lgbt” has had in terms of extending the notion of citizenship, to include the sexual diversities.Key words: Citizenship, Sexual Diversity, lgbt.

scholarly journals State and Civil Society Relationships in Indonesia: A society-oriented Reading in Search for Democratic Space

PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aris Arif Mundayat ◽  
Pitra Narendra ◽  
Budi Irawanto
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institution ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The Third ◽  
Civil Society Organisations ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Relationship

This paper has shown how the relationship between state and civil society in Indonesia is part of the problem of building democratic government. The problems in Indonesian society is the polycentric nature, by which civil society organisations or popular organisations are being fragmanted and often unorganised. This has made it increasingly difficult to transform various conflicts into more political through democratic institution. At least there are four major problems:The first problem is when a strong civil society faces an ineffective state tactic of governmentality. This tends to stimulate civil society resistance and conflict; or it fosters coexistence through alternative governmentality techniques where the relationship between the state and society is in conflict. The second problem is when a weak civil society faces and effective state. This tends to trigger practices of money politics which are embedded in patronage and clientelism. The third problem can be found in the situation where weak civil society faces an ineffective state which tends to stimulate the emergence of extralegal governmentality practiced by thugs, militia, vigilantes, and paramilitaries. The fourth problem is reflected in the situation where a strong civil society faces an effective state.

scholarly journals LA HEGEMONÍA EN EL PODER Y DESARROLLO TERRITORIAL

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alma E. Isunza Bizuet ◽  
Apolinar Oliva Velas
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Entire System ◽  
Local Power ◽  
National Project ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Los Grupos

El presente ensayo busca explicar cómo la construcción de la relación entre las elites que forman parte del Estado y los grupos sociales que son dirigidos y dominados por el propio Estado —en términos de Gramsci la relación Estado y sociedad civil— generan un tipo de proyecto nacional que impacta al conjunto de territorios, que desde nuestra perspectiva operan como un sistema territorial que compone a un Estado nación. Las condiciones de desarrollo de cada territorio y del conjunto del sistema están afectadas por cómo se estructuran las relaciones entre los grupos de poder local y los grupos de poder central del Estado. Con estas herramientas analíticas se construye una explicación de la relación histórica que se va erigiendo en el México posrevolucionario entre ambos poderes que afecta al desarrollo territorial.   ABSTRACT Based upon a gramscian perspective, this paper seeks to explain how the relationship between the State and civil society generates a type of national project that impacts all its territories. Refering to mexican postrevolutionary experience, it is pointed out that development conditions in each territory and in the entire system are affected by the structure of interactions between the local power groups and the State's central power groups.

scholarly journals Securitisation gaps: Towards ideational understandings of state weakness

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Collective Knowledge ◽  
State Action ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Interpretive Approach ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Republic

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.

Cultural Policies and the Islamic Republic: Cinema and Book Publication

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Regulatory Agencies ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Government ◽  
Iranian State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Book Publication

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.

Eine komplexe Friedenstheologie und Friedensethik

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Mierzwa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethical Approach ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Preferential Option ◽  
Religionless Christianity ◽  
The Relationship

Peace has to be thought of in a more complex way, which is mainly stimulated by women from civil society. Many questions can no longer be addressed in a thematically and politically isolated or delimited way; chains of action and challenges are too interwoven. So far, too little attention has been paid to the preferential option for the poor, the approach of religionless Christianity and a feminist-liberation-theological-pacifist approach. Topics that are more marginal, such as a peace-ethical approach to money and the relationship between peace and health, are also addressed. Finally, the difficult question of how far one may still cooperate with the state when one is on the trail of peace is explored.

Starpkulturālās komunikācijas nozīme visaptverošas valsts aizsardzības sistēmas veidošanā

2021 ◽  
pp. 238-245
Author(s):  
Uldis Zupa ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Essential Element ◽  
The State ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Defense System ◽  
State And Society ◽  
State Defense ◽  
The Relationship

The implementation of the comprehensive national defense system in Latvia marks a new turning point in the relationship between the state and society – instead of being consumers of the security and defense provided by the state, every inhabitant of Latvia must become an active contributor to the natio-nal defense system. Thus, the society’s willingness to defend the state becomes an essential element in the successful implementation of the comprehensive state defense system. This article analyzes the different views of Latvian and Russian-speaking population on issues that affect the willingness to defend the state, as well as evaluates the role of intercultural communication for informing public and increasing the involvement in the comprehensive national defense system.

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