Using Muslims Mannerism and Habits (UMMAH): An Early Warning Strategy for Countering Violent Extremism

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 416
Author(s):  
Yusuf Abubakar Mamud ◽  
Oboshi J Agyeno
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Early Warning ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
Violent Extremism ◽  
Islamic Faith ◽  
Hate Violence ◽  
Current Reality

The fight against terrorism has long relied on military intervention and hard power strategy to curb terror threats. Current reality and the spade at which youths who are radicalized under the banner of religion to carry out terrorist activities has called for more attention paid on alternative counterterrorism (CT) measures and policies. CT initiatives should be broadened to accommodate soft power approach that interrupts the radicalization and recruitment of civilians into violent extremism and terrorism. It is revealed that more terrorist actions and violent extremism had been undertaking by youths that professed the Islamic faith more than any in the 21st century. The worrisome trend has called the development of UMMAH as a CT strategy to understand the narratives and messaging exploited by recruiters and facilitators of violent extremism as a religious obligation. The strategy demands a counter narrative and messages that would replace the message of hate, violence and bigotry, with love, peace, tolerance and coexistence.

scholarly journals Russia As a Powerful Broker in Syria: Hard and Soft Aspects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Simons
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
The West ◽  
True Nature ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring was regarded with suspicion by Russian decision-makers, their worst fears were seemingly confirmed with the case of Libya in 2011 when NATO was seen as abusing the UN Security Council R2P mandate for the purpose of regime change. This had a great impact on Russia’s decision to support the Syrian government, when the regime change process began there. By the summer of 2015, the world was predicting the fall of the Syrian government, it was at this point Russia became directly and overtly involved with the fighting. The West tried to project a dire scenario that Russia would become embroiled in an Afghan-scenario, they made many guesses about the ‘true’ nature of Russia’s engagement, but largely failed to comprehend or understand the actual motivation. Despite negative Western projections, Russia has been largely successful in its aims and goals. Russia has consequently emerged as an external actor of significance and influence in the MENA region, which seems to be owed somewhat to taking the decision to become directly involved in Syria as a powerful broker. Keywords: Syrian War, Russia, military intervention, soft power, hard power, powerful broker

scholarly journals The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Fozia Bibi
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political System ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
Power Projection ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Democratic Norms

Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.

Transnational securitisation of identity: distinctions between securitisation and ‘othering’ of Shias in Bahrain and Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 679-697
Author(s):  
Hasan Hafidh ◽  
Maryyum Mehmood
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
State Level ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
External Agents ◽  
Cultural Processes ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Societal Relations

This paper aims to shed light on the phenomenon of transnational securitisation of identity and how it influences state-level securitisation and communal ‘othering’. We propose a more nuanced understanding of state-societal relations by viewing ‘othering’ as a by-product of various types of securitisation of identities, as opposed to the normative assumption within existing scholarship that applies these concepts interchangeably. This provides a more discernible lens through which certain cultural processes of discrimination are articulated, manifest and evaluated. The basis for our analysis is presented by comparing the persecution levelled against Shia communities within Bahrain and Pakistan, respectively. In the case of Bahrain, transnational securitisation amplifies pre-existing state securitisation, with external agents – in this context, Saudi Arabia – harnessing the hard power tactic of military intervention, as witnessed during the 2011 uprisings. Whereas in the case of Pakistan, transnational securitisation is performed by utilising soft power mechanisms, namely the legacy of petro-dollar wealth that has been used as a form of extremist proselytisation. The proliferation of jihadist non-state actors that pose an existential threat to Shia communities in Pakistan in recent years is a testament to this. In this way, the process bypasses state institutions to induce bottom-up, communal ‘othering’.

scholarly journals Latvia as the Area of Correlated Russian “Hard Power” and “Soft Power” Operations

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gabriel Nowacki ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Operations ◽  
Impact Models

This work presents the methodology of the Russian impact on Latvia after 1991. It defines and specifies the scope of methods concerning both the hard and soft power in international relations in the 21st century, particularly the ones used to implement the Russian Federation’s foreign policy. The implemented strategies and impact models are described. The work is also focused on certain indicators used in global rankings by experts worldwide. In the 21st century, it is no longer enough to employ the hard power methods as it is advisable to use the soft power ones, which may bring about much better results than the hard ones.

Alternative approach to security – soft power

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (38) ◽  
pp. 66-78
Author(s):  
Jan Maciejewski ◽  
Donata Borowska
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
Security Culture ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Face

The purpose of the article is to describe, from the perspective of political science and sociology, an alternative approach to security connected with soft power in the context of the endeavour to ensure security to every human being. The authors propose to consider security-related alternatives of the second half of the 21st century as a combination of soft power and hard power – that is, smart power – applied in the area of social and political relations. Conducting politics in the spirit of soft power seems particularly justified and substantial in the face of the contemporary immigration and refugee crisis. Modern states, especially European states and the US, are security subjects that both defend security and seek it using soft power with potential support – when necessary – on the part of hard power. The authors discuss this phenomenon on the example of the US. The article shows, in a manner substantive for security sciences, the relations between knowledge and power, because it is them that determine contemporary societies. An approach to security in the spirit of soft power is becoming a significant factor shaping security culture.

scholarly journals Revisionism as a characteristic of authoritarian ex‑empires

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-144
Author(s):  
Janko Bekić
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Global Leadership ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Status

Revisionism is one of the main drivers of international conflict in the 21st century. Sensing the weakening of US global leadership, countries with regional or great power ambitions, especially former empires, increasingly resort to threats and the use of force to alter the status quo in their favour. In some cases, this involves military occupation, and even annexation of foreign territory. This article takes a closer look at neo‑Ottomanism, Turkey’s revisionist foreign policy, and its gradual transition from a soft‑power to a hard‑power approach, which eventually led to Ankara’s military incur‑ sion and occupation of parts of neighbouring Syria.

An Analysis of UN Peacekeeping as Pakistan’s Soft Power Asset

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
International Community ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The People ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.

Biało-ruskij mir. Reaktywacja reintegracyjna w relacjach rosyjsko-białoruskich White-Russian world.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Denys Sviridenko ◽  
Marcin Orzechowski
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Social Legitimacy ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Gradual Loss ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Choice Of Instruments ◽  
Strategic Goal

The relations between the Russian Federation and Belarus in the 21st century are characterized by dynamics and volatility. The integration processes of both countries, initiated in the 1990s, are an element of the strategy of domination in the post-Soviet area, which is consistently implemented by Russia. The authors conclude that this strategy in the case of Belarus is a kind of mixture of soft power and hard power, and the choice of instruments depends on the stability of the authoritarian regime, which is embodied by Alyaksandr Lukashenka. The rigged presidential elections triggered a wave of protests, leading to the gradual loss of social legitimacy by the Belarusian president. Russia has a dilemma: whether to continue to support Lukashenka, who is losing support, or to look for a “new personal alternative”, a politician that would guarantee the implementation of a “pro-Russian vector” in Belarus’s domestic and foreign policy. Regardless of how the situation develops, Russia’s strategic goal remains to keep Belarus in its sphere of influence using the already existing mechanisms of cooperation between the two countries.

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