Biało-ruskij mir. Reaktywacja reintegracyjna w relacjach rosyjsko-białoruskich White-Russian world.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Denys Sviridenko ◽  
Marcin Orzechowski

The relations between the Russian Federation and Belarus in the 21st century are characterized by dynamics and volatility. The integration processes of both countries, initiated in the 1990s, are an element of the strategy of domination in the post-Soviet area, which is consistently implemented by Russia. The authors conclude that this strategy in the case of Belarus is a kind of mixture of soft power and hard power, and the choice of instruments depends on the stability of the authoritarian regime, which is embodied by Alyaksandr Lukashenka. The rigged presidential elections triggered a wave of protests, leading to the gradual loss of social legitimacy by the Belarusian president. Russia has a dilemma: whether to continue to support Lukashenka, who is losing support, or to look for a “new personal alternative”, a politician that would guarantee the implementation of a “pro-Russian vector” in Belarus’s domestic and foreign policy. Regardless of how the situation develops, Russia’s strategic goal remains to keep Belarus in its sphere of influence using the already existing mechanisms of cooperation between the two countries.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 312-331
Author(s):  
Sergiu ȘARAMET

The policies of the Russian Federation in its near abroad have been constantly changing. Taking into account this consideration, it is important to know what were thedetermining factors that influenced the policy orientation of the Russian Federation in the pursuit of national interests in those areas. In this context, are analyzed the policies through which the Russian Federation projects national interests in its near abroad such as “hard power”, which include military operations (the involvement of Russian troops as“peacekeeping forces” in the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan; stationing of large units and units on the territory of the former union republics; economic sanctions, etc.). In tandem with “hard power” policies, the Russian Federation also uses “soft power” policies (promoting the Russian language and culture, strengthening the presence of the Russian Federation in the information space, supporting the Russian diaspora).Keywords: policies, national interests, “hard power”, “soft power”, economic sanctions, military operations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Igor Dobaev

Russia is the largest country in the world, a civilization state, with its unique geopolitical code. To change this course, the identity of our country, to force it to wander in the wake of the geopolitical and foreign policy aspirations of other centers of power, a number of geopolitical projects based on “hard power”, “soft power” as well as “soft power” are being implemented in the Russian Federation and beyond its external borders. At the same time, due to the large-scale territory of Russia, the presence of its internal regions that are different in their characteristics, various projects are deployed by external forces in various directions. This article discusses the geopolitical projects of the main external forces projecting their influence on the South of Russia - the territories of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation that are part of the Southern and North Caucasian federal districts. There are eight republics there: Adygea, Daghestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kalmykia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Crimea, North Ossetia-Alania and Chechnya, two territories - Krasnodar and Stavropol and three regions - Astrakhan, Volgograd and Rostov; in total 14 subjects of Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Aleksandra Miarka

The aim of the article is to analyze and characterize the use of cooperation with the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic by the Russian Federation to strengthen its position in the competition for power with the states of the euoratlantic space. During the initiated research, research methods and techniques characteristic of qualitative research were used, e.g. analysis of documents and statements of leading political decision-makers from Russia and Transnistria. The results of the research unequivocally show that strengthening the statehood of the parastatal state is one of the instruments of the Russian Federation, thanks to which it pursues its strategic goal - maintaining the position of a hegemon in the post-Soviet area, which strengthens its adaptability in strategic competition with the West for power. The functioning of the pro-Russian Transnistria in the composition of Moldova enables Russia to influence the policy of this country, exerting pressure and preventing it from dynamising the process of integration with Euro-Atlantic structures (primarily with the European Union), while retaining it in its traditional sphere of influence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 74-78
Author(s):  
A. A. BISULTANOVA ◽  

The author touched upon topical issues of inter-budget alignment, budget provision of regions with financial resources, focusing on factors that directly affect the stability of the budget system, as well as highlighting problems in the budget sphere that require urgent attention from the authorities. It is concluded that the level of interregional differentiation continues to increase, and the modern mechanism of budget equalization requires urgent amendments and adjustments. It is emphasized that the main goals of socio-economic development of the Russian Federation related to the transition to an innovative type of development, changes in the structure of the national economy, set out in strategic documents and messages of the President of the Russian Federation and declared since 2009, are not being implemented, and the effectiveness of state economic policy and Federal budget expenditures for its implementation remains low. This indicates the need to review the current system.


Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.


Author(s):  
David Shambaugh

After the end of the Cold War, it seemed as if Southeast Asia would remain a geopolitically stable region within the American imperious for the foreseeable future. In the last two decades, however, the re-emergence of China as a major great power has called into question the geopolitical future of the region and raised the specter of renewed great power competition. As this book shows, the United States and China are engaged in a broad-gauged and global competition for power. While this competition ranges across the entire world, it is centered in Asia, and here this text focuses on the ten countries that comprise Southeast Asia. The United States and China constantly vie for position and influence in this enormously significant region, and the outcome of this contest will do much to determine whether Asia leaves the American orbit after seven decades and falls into a new Chinese sphere of influence. Just as important, to the extent that there is a global “power transition” occurring from the United States to China, the fate of Southeast Asia will be a good indicator. Presently, both powers bring important assets to bear. The United States continues to possess a depth and breadth of security ties, soft power, and direct investment across the region that empirically outweigh China’s. For its part, China has more diplomatic influence, much greater trade, and geographic proximity. In assessing the likelihood of a regional power transition, the book looks at how ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and the countries within it maneuver between the United States and China and the degree to which they align with one or the other power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-21
Author(s):  
Yuliya S. EVLAKHOVA

Subject. The article focuses on the dynamics of individual deposits in the Russian systemically important banks as a factor of the stability of available resources. Objectives. I assess the threat of individual deposits outflowing from the Russian too-big-to-fail banks within 2015–2019. I correspondingly outline recommendations for mitigating the threat in the future. Methods. The study is based on methods of logic, comparative and statistical analysis. I devised and applied our own algorithm for classifying too-big-to-fail banks by threat of individual deposit outflow and its level. Results. Systemically important banks were found to have not been exposed to the high threat of bank run within 2015–2019. Three fundamental credit institutions were constantly exposed to the threat of individual deposit outflow. One of eleven systemic banks continuously demonstrated the low threat of individual deposit outflow. The rest of the banks were migrating among the low-threat and high-threat classes. Conclusions and Relevance. The Russian systemically important banks can refer to our findings to articulate their deposit policy, set and use digital accounts of retail customers. The Bank of Russian can rely on the analysis of the threat of individual deposit outflow and other data on financial and business operations of the banks and its sustainability as part of bank oversight procedures.


Author(s):  
А.О. ЕВСЮКОВА

Согласно данным проекта Стратегии развития физической культуры и спорта в Российской Федерации до 2030 года, в 2008–2019 гг. численность систематически занимающегося физической культурой и спортом населения выросла в 2,5 раза. Это обусловливает необходимость создания инновационных продуктов для людей занимающихся спортом. Для определения перспектив создания продуктов специального назначения, в частности функциональных напитков для спортивного питания, проведен анализ патентов в этой области. Объектом анализа были 59 патентов, опубликованных с 1995 г. по май 2020 г. и занесенных в отечественную – ФИПС и международные – EAPATIS, USPTO, EPO, CISPATANT базы данных. Проанализированы следующие подклассы изобретений по актуализированной версии МПК: A23C, A23D, A23F, A23G, A23J, A23K, A23L, A61K, A61P, C12G. Результаты исследований представлены на рисунках в виде диаграмм. Установлено, что производство функциональных напитков для спортивного питания активно развивается. Российская Федерация имеет преимущество по количеству зарегистрированных патентов в этой области, но по объему производства продукции уступает зарубежным странам. Поскольку продукция агропромышленного комплекса России вполне удовлетворяет требованиям потребителей к натуральности сырьевого состава продукта, для обеспечения стабильности внутреннего рынка перспективно развитие отечественного производства функциональных напитков для спортивного питания. According to the draft strategy for the development of physical culture and sports in the Russian Federation until 2030, in 2008–2019, the number of people systematically engaged in physical culture and sports increased by 2,5 times. This makes it necessary to create innovative products for people involved in sports. To determine the prospects for creating special-purpose products, in particular functional beverages for sports nutrition, an analysis of patents in this area was conducted. 59 patents published from 1995 to may 2020 and included in the national – FIPS and international – EAPATIS, USPTO, EPO, CISPATANT databases were the object of analysis. Subclasses of inventions according to the updated version of the IPC A23C, A23D, A23F, A23G, A23J, A23K, A23L, A61K, A61P and C12G are analyzed. The results of the research are presented in figures in the form of diagrams. It is established that the production of functional beverages for sports nutrition is actively developing. The Russian Federation has an advantage in the number of registered patents in this area, but in terms of production volume it is inferior to foreign countries. Since the products of the Russian agro-industrial complex fully meet the requirements of consumers for the naturalness of the raw material composition of the product, the development of domestic production of functional beverages for sports nutrition is promising to ensure the stability of the domestic market.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


Baltic Region ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Vorotnikov ◽  
Natalia A. Ivanova

In this article, we aim to analyse the research discourse in the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) as regards Russian soft power, which is considered as hard power, and to compare the theses that dominate this discourse with the actual interactions between Russia and the three states in media, education, and culture. Each Baltic country has built a system of political and legal restrictions to diminish the effect of Russian soft power, which is considered in terms of hard power, i.e. as a threat to national security. The current forms of Russian soft power are becoming less productive in the region and their use in the negative political context of bilateral relations has the opposite effect for Russia – the country loses in reputation and image. The main factor at play is the information content of the Russian-language media space. At odds with the historical and political views of a significant part of the Baltic States’ ruling class, it is becoming the target of counteraction. At the same time, Russian high and mass culture and, partly, educational services are in demand from both Baltic Russian speakers and ethnic Lithuanians, Latvians, and Estonians. Our analysis shows that the views of Baltic researchers that Russian soft power is politics-driven and foreign to the region are exaggerated and biased. In its turn, Russian soft power in the Baltics retains the potential to aid the country’s foreign policy, being a complement to the latter rather than its direct tool.


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