Transnational securitisation of identity: distinctions between securitisation and ‘othering’ of Shias in Bahrain and Pakistan

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 679-697
Author(s):  
Hasan Hafidh ◽  
Maryyum Mehmood

This paper aims to shed light on the phenomenon of transnational securitisation of identity and how it influences state-level securitisation and communal ‘othering’. We propose a more nuanced understanding of state-societal relations by viewing ‘othering’ as a by-product of various types of securitisation of identities, as opposed to the normative assumption within existing scholarship that applies these concepts interchangeably. This provides a more discernible lens through which certain cultural processes of discrimination are articulated, manifest and evaluated. The basis for our analysis is presented by comparing the persecution levelled against Shia communities within Bahrain and Pakistan, respectively. In the case of Bahrain, transnational securitisation amplifies pre-existing state securitisation, with external agents – in this context, Saudi Arabia – harnessing the hard power tactic of military intervention, as witnessed during the 2011 uprisings. Whereas in the case of Pakistan, transnational securitisation is performed by utilising soft power mechanisms, namely the legacy of petro-dollar wealth that has been used as a form of extremist proselytisation. The proliferation of jihadist non-state actors that pose an existential threat to Shia communities in Pakistan in recent years is a testament to this. In this way, the process bypasses state institutions to induce bottom-up, communal ‘othering’.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 416
Author(s):  
Yusuf Abubakar Mamud ◽  
Oboshi J Agyeno

The fight against terrorism has long relied on military intervention and hard power strategy to curb terror threats. Current reality and the spade at which youths who are radicalized under the banner of religion to carry out terrorist activities has called for more attention paid on alternative counterterrorism (CT) measures and policies. CT initiatives should be broadened to accommodate soft power approach that interrupts the radicalization and recruitment of civilians into violent extremism and terrorism. It is revealed that more terrorist actions and violent extremism had been undertaking by youths that professed the Islamic faith more than any in the 21st century. The worrisome trend has called the development of UMMAH as a CT strategy to understand the narratives and messaging exploited by recruiters and facilitators of violent extremism as a religious obligation. The strategy demands a counter narrative and messages that would replace the message of hate, violence and bigotry, with love, peace, tolerance and coexistence.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greg Simons

The Arab Spring was regarded with suspicion by Russian decision-makers, their worst fears were seemingly confirmed with the case of Libya in 2011 when NATO was seen as abusing the UN Security Council R2P mandate for the purpose of regime change. This had a great impact on Russia’s decision to support the Syrian government, when the regime change process began there. By the summer of 2015, the world was predicting the fall of the Syrian government, it was at this point Russia became directly and overtly involved with the fighting. The West tried to project a dire scenario that Russia would become embroiled in an Afghan-scenario, they made many guesses about the ‘true’ nature of Russia’s engagement, but largely failed to comprehend or understand the actual motivation. Despite negative Western projections, Russia has been largely successful in its aims and goals. Russia has consequently emerged as an external actor of significance and influence in the MENA region, which seems to be owed somewhat to taking the decision to become directly involved in Syria as a powerful broker. Keywords: Syrian War, Russia, military intervention, soft power, hard power, powerful broker


Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Lamasheva ◽  

Referring to four strategies of internationalization of higher education, suggested by the Organization for economic cooperation and development, Japan’s strategy is traditionally called mutual understanding approach, aiming mainly at the cultural diplomacy and spreading “soft power” around the globe. However, in modern Japan other strategies may become more important, such as skilled migration approach or capacity building approach. The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the reasons for different strategies in internationalization of higher education in Japan. It is argued that both skilled migration approach and capacity building approach are implemented, while the revenue-generating approach is not.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Denys Sviridenko ◽  
Marcin Orzechowski

The relations between the Russian Federation and Belarus in the 21st century are characterized by dynamics and volatility. The integration processes of both countries, initiated in the 1990s, are an element of the strategy of domination in the post-Soviet area, which is consistently implemented by Russia. The authors conclude that this strategy in the case of Belarus is a kind of mixture of soft power and hard power, and the choice of instruments depends on the stability of the authoritarian regime, which is embodied by Alyaksandr Lukashenka. The rigged presidential elections triggered a wave of protests, leading to the gradual loss of social legitimacy by the Belarusian president. Russia has a dilemma: whether to continue to support Lukashenka, who is losing support, or to look for a “new personal alternative”, a politician that would guarantee the implementation of a “pro-Russian vector” in Belarus’s domestic and foreign policy. Regardless of how the situation develops, Russia’s strategic goal remains to keep Belarus in its sphere of influence using the already existing mechanisms of cooperation between the two countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 115 (51) ◽  
pp. 12938-12943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah P. Slotznick ◽  
Nicholas L. Swanson-Hysell ◽  
Erik A. Sperling

Terrestrial environments have been suggested as an oxic haven for eukaryotic life and diversification during portions of the Proterozoic Eon when the ocean was dominantly anoxic. However, iron speciation and Fe/Al data from the ca. 1.1-billion-year-old Nonesuch Formation, deposited in a large lake and bearing a diverse assemblage of early eukaryotes, are interpreted to indicate persistently anoxic conditions. To shed light on these distinct hypotheses, we analyzed two drill cores spanning the transgression into the lake and its subsequent shallowing. While the proportion of highly reactive to total iron (FeHR/FeT) is consistent through the sediments and typically in the range taken to be equivocal between anoxic and oxic conditions, magnetic experiments and petrographic data reveal that iron exists in three distinct mineral assemblages resulting from an oxycline. In the deepest waters, reductive dissolution of iron oxides records an anoxic environment. However, the remainder of the sedimentary succession has iron oxide assemblages indicative of an oxygenated environment. At intermediate water depths, a mixed-phase facies with hematite and magnetite indicates low oxygen conditions. In the shallowest waters of the lake, nearly every iron oxide has been oxidized to its most oxidized form, hematite. Combining magnetics and textural analyses results in a more nuanced understanding of ambiguous geochemical signals and indicates that for much of its temporal duration, and throughout much of its water column, there was oxygen in the waters of Paleolake Nonesuch.


Baltic Region ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Vorotnikov ◽  
Natalia A. Ivanova

In this article, we aim to analyse the research discourse in the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) as regards Russian soft power, which is considered as hard power, and to compare the theses that dominate this discourse with the actual interactions between Russia and the three states in media, education, and culture. Each Baltic country has built a system of political and legal restrictions to diminish the effect of Russian soft power, which is considered in terms of hard power, i.e. as a threat to national security. The current forms of Russian soft power are becoming less productive in the region and their use in the negative political context of bilateral relations has the opposite effect for Russia – the country loses in reputation and image. The main factor at play is the information content of the Russian-language media space. At odds with the historical and political views of a significant part of the Baltic States’ ruling class, it is becoming the target of counteraction. At the same time, Russian high and mass culture and, partly, educational services are in demand from both Baltic Russian speakers and ethnic Lithuanians, Latvians, and Estonians. Our analysis shows that the views of Baltic researchers that Russian soft power is politics-driven and foreign to the region are exaggerated and biased. In its turn, Russian soft power in the Baltics retains the potential to aid the country’s foreign policy, being a complement to the latter rather than its direct tool.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 49-65
Author(s):  
Binod Khanda Timilsana

Soft power, according to Nye, is a particular power of attraction to a state based on the appeal of its culture, political values, and foreign policies (Nye Jr. 2004, p. 11, 2008, p. 96). In the changing paradigms of state powers from military strength, economic might, political power, technological competency to soft power endeavors, identification of own soft power is the process of measuring own strength. Hard power measures can be observed from out sides as well but soft power potentialities will not appear easily without systematic attempt to expose them in front of international actors. Hard power measurement is easy and more exact than soft power qualities. There are very limited academic attempts visible in identification of Nepal’s soft power. Great soft powers of the world are visible and measurable through soft power indices developed by different think tanks and research agencies. The soft power 30 and Global Soft Power Index are exemplary forums engaged in ranking states in terms of soft powers. Reputation, influence, political values, culture, foreign policies, enterprise, culture, digital, governance, engagements and education are the indicators of soft power. The newly explained taxonomy of soft power includes four subunits of soft power namely resources, instruments, receptions and outcomes. Buddhism is a powerful soft power resource of Nepal. Conflict resolution and peace process model of Nepal is another potential soft power. Culture, engagement in multilateral global and regional forum, natural beauty with the world is highest Mt. Everest, diasporic community of Nepal, social networks, public diplomacy and personal diplomacy are remarkable soft power properties of Nepal. Nonetheless, identification of Nepal’s soft power is in very preliminary phase.


Author(s):  
Celso Amorim

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Munslow ◽  
Tim O'Dempsey

The US choice of a misdirected target of priority concern, a ‘War on Terror’, combined with the use of hard power to the absolute detriment of soft power has undermined the enlightenment values that had begun to flourish in the form of humanitarian policies, values and laws which could have informed international cooperation and development in the twenty-first century. The US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 has had serious implications for humanitarianism worldwide, has provided a huge propaganda victory to Islamic extremists, and has diverted international attention and resources from major humanitarian emergencies elsewhere and from today's most significant threat to human survival, global climate change.


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