scholarly journals Santri, Kelas Menengah dan Politik Lokal Indonesia

1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Yulion Zalpa

This journal means to give an ilustration function and role of santri, as part of middle class people in Indonesia. The result of this journal shows that political dynamics of santri as the middle class always changes in every era. In colonialism era, a group of santri unite to take an independence. Meanwhile, a group of santri in post-independence era want to dominate with an idea to make Islam as the rules of nation and the government must take the policy to limit it. Consequently, a group of santri show more in practical politics in government and the other strategic position in reformation era. However, the identity of group of santri more dissolved by the interest group and another as a result from their position as middle class. Therefore, the role and identity of a group of santri as middle class show the shortage whwn the differences interest and interference of outsider precisely cause the dissension in that group of santri.   Keyword : santri, middle class, politic.

Yuridika ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 499
Author(s):  
Zahry Vandawati ◽  
Hilda Yunita Sabrie ◽  
Widhayani Dian Pawestri ◽  
Rizki Amalia

Assurance is an important element in financial planning, but because of the low public awareness and myths that circulate in society around the insurance makes people reluctant to buy insurance products. Insurance is also known only for the upper middle class. On the other hand the realization of a prosperous society, one of which is assessed from the level of good public health. For that the government issued a compulsory social insurance in which the entire community on the mandate of the law shall be a participant of the program. Since 2011, the government has issued a regulation related to the National Social Security System and implemented through Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial (BPJS) in 2014. However, in the event it was due to political dynamics, the government under Jokowi leadership reissued Kartu Indonesia Sehat (KIS) A presidential regulation that functions the same as the existence of BPJS. This is what needs to be studied more deeply, because it is feared there will be overlapping roles and functions between BPJS and KIS them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Dr. Indu Goyal

Marriage is an important thing in the life of a woman. The importance that our society attaches to marriage is reflected in our literature and it is the central concern of Shashi Deshpade’s novels. In our society where girl learns early that she is ‘Paraya Dhan’, and she is her parents’ responsibility till the day she is handed over to her rightful owners. What a girl makes of her life, how she shapes herself as an individual, what profession she takes up is not as important as whom she marries. Marriage is the ultimate goal of a woman’s life. This paper attempts to probe into the problems of marriage through the protagonists of her novels where one enjoys the freedom of marriage and the other accepts the traditional marriage. Shashi Deshpade highlights the problems of marriage faced by middle-class people in finding suitable grooms for their daughters. This problem is well-illustrated through the characters of her novels. Since the girl’s mind over her childhood is tuned that she is another’s property, she tries to attach a lot of importance to it. it is indeed a tragedy that even in the modern age, Indian females echo the same sentiment where it was marriage which mattered most of them but not to the men. It is a beginning of females sacrifices in life that marriage brings to her. Shashi Deshpande encourages her female protagonists to rise in rebellion against the males in the family matters, instead she wants to build a harmonious relationship between man and woman in a mood of compromise and reconciliation.  


2020 ◽  
pp. 174387212098228
Author(s):  
Stephen Riley

Drawing upon Kant’s analysis of the role of intuitions in our orientation towards knowledge, this paper analyses four points of departure in thinking about dignity: self, other, time and space. Each reveals a core area of normative discourse – authenticity in the self, respect for the other, progress through time and authority as the government of space – along with related grounds of resistance to dignity. The paper concludes with a discussion of the methodological challenge presented by our different dignitarian intuitions, in particular the role of universality in testing and cohering our intuitions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Natalia Vila ◽  
Inés Kuster

A conceptual model is proposed to show 3 effects of augmenting security perceptions (more pleasure, less perceived risk and higher trust) in order to improve buying intention. The role of usability in reinforcing these direct and indirect security effects has also been tested. This study examines the reinforcement of previous relationships in highly usable contexts. To test this, a fictitious website was designed for a nonexistent clothing company directed at the segment of middle class consumers. Two blocks of changes were made to alter website usability: one concerning website speed and the other related to ease of use. Results for a study sample of 170 respondents show that in usable contexts (that is, with quicker, functional websites), when website security perceptions augment, this leads to stronger effects (in terms of pleasure, trust and perceived risk) thereby simultaneously increasing buying intention.


1989 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Kenealy ◽  
Neil Frude ◽  
William Shaw

The relationship between social class and uptake of orthodontic treatment was investigated in a longitudinal cohort study of 1018 children living in South Glamorgan, Wales. Previous studies have shown that working class people make less use of dental services and receive inferior dental care than middle class people. The present investigation examined the role of one factor which appears likely to contribute to this effect: namely, the uptake of orthodontic treatment by families from different social classes. If a significant association were shown then findings relating to the effectiveness of orthodontic treatment might be confounded by this social class factor.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.


2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
PIET KONINGS

In the literature on African trade unions during decolonization and in the immediate post-independence period, two schools of thought can be distinguished: one is pessimistic about the unions' economic and political roles, and the other is optimistic. This study attempts to assess the role of autonomous teachers' trade unions in Anglophone Cameroon during the period 1959–72. The emergence, development and dissolution of these unions appears to have closely followed the region's political and educational reforms. It is argued that two main issues formed a constant source of conflict between the government and these unions, namely the preservation of trade union autonomy, and union demands for a substantial improvement in members' conditions of service.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 222
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zulhidayat

Pada 30 Mei 2015, FIFA sebagai induk tertinggi dari organisasi sepakbola internasional menjatuhkan sanksi kepada PSSI. Ini terjadi karena FIFA menilai adanya intervensi oleh pemerintah melalui Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga. Statuta FIFA pasal 13 dan 17 memperjelas bahwa ia menolak segala bentuk intervensi oleh pemerintah, politisi, media, atau pihak ketiga lainnya. Di sisi lain, Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga juga diberi wewenang oleh hukum untuk mengatur kegiatan olahraga secara umum dalam lingkup Negara Indonesia. Permasalahan yang akan dikaji dalam penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut: Pertama, apa wewenang dan peran pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan olahraga sepakbola profesional di Indonesia? Kedua, bagaimana penerapan kompetisi sepakbola di Indonesia dengan adanya Pembekuan PSSI? . Metode penelitian dalam penulisan ini menggunakan metode yuridis normatif. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa Pemerintah tidak memiliki wewenang untuk campur tangan dan ikut campur dalam menyelenggarakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia. Sementara itu, dengan pembekuan PSSI ini, otomatis menghentikan liga karena PSSI tidak dapat melakukan tugas dan fungsi untuk mengadakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia. Saran penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah Pemerintah harus optimal dalam memberikan layanan dan kenyamanan kepada PSSI dan PSSI harus transparan dalam menyelenggarakan kompetisi sepakbola profesional di Indonesia.Kata Kunci : Kewenangan, Pemerintah, PSSI AbstractOn May 30, 2015, FIFA as the supreme parent of international football  organizations imposed sanctions on the PSSI. This happens because FIFA assess the existence of intervention by the government through the Ministry of Youth and Sports. The FIFA Statutes chapters 13 and 17 make it clear that it rejects any form of intervention by governments, politicians, media, or other third parties. On the other hand, the Ministry of Youth and Sports is also authorized by law to regulate sports activities generally within the scope of the State of Indonesia. The problems to be studied in this research are as follows: Firstly, what is the authority and role of the government in organizing professional football sport in Indonesia ?, Secondly, how is the implementation of football  competition in Indonesia with the existence of PSSI Freezing ?. Research Methods in this paper using the method of normative juridical. The conclusion of this research is that the Government does not have the authority to intervene and interfere in organizing professional football  competition in Indonesia. Meanwhile, with the freezing of this PSSI, automatically stop the league because PSSI can not perform the duties and functions to hold a professional football competition in Indonesia. The author's suggestion in this research is the Government must be optimal in providing services and convenience to PSSI and PSSI must be transparent in organizing professional football competition in Indonesia.Keywords: Authority, Government, PSSI


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