Reinsuring Health: Why More Middle Class People Are Uninsured and What the Government Can Do, by Katherine Swartz

2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 261-263
1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Yulion Zalpa

This journal means to give an ilustration function and role of santri, as part of middle class people in Indonesia. The result of this journal shows that political dynamics of santri as the middle class always changes in every era. In colonialism era, a group of santri unite to take an independence. Meanwhile, a group of santri in post-independence era want to dominate with an idea to make Islam as the rules of nation and the government must take the policy to limit it. Consequently, a group of santri show more in practical politics in government and the other strategic position in reformation era. However, the identity of group of santri more dissolved by the interest group and another as a result from their position as middle class. Therefore, the role and identity of a group of santri as middle class show the shortage whwn the differences interest and interference of outsider precisely cause the dissension in that group of santri.   Keyword : santri, middle class, politic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-235
Author(s):  
Nicha Tovankasame ◽  
Czarina Labayo

The incessant spreading of COVID-19 disease has recently been the major concern to the Filipino since January 2020. The crisis becomes uncontrollable and impacts on all walks of life in terms of their routine living, working conditions, mental health, and social interaction. As observed in the past few months, the Philippine government has attempted to deal with the transmission of infection and economic predicament. However, there has been tremendous criticism towards the government’s methods of solving the problems, and one of the controversial discussions is the inequity of offering assistance packages to socio-economic groups. This article seeks to grasp the perceptions of the Filipino middle class who are mainly excluded by the aid of the government from the COVID-19 crisis since they are misrepresented as capable of self-help and self-responsibility in the neoliberal economy. The results evidently show their responses and narratives to the crisis through dealing with behavioural and social adaptation and psychological coping strategies. In times of the pandemic with low awareness of the government, most middle-class people are still precarious because of the entire dependency on the financial system and employment security to maintain subsistence in the present and future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Dhyah Puspita Dewi ◽  
Fadjar Hari Mardiansjah

The existence of government programs and the existence of a government corporation appointed by the government to provide water to the community is still not enough to meet the needs of clean water. Areas that have been served are still experiencing water access problems. Areas that have not adapted to use other sources using groundwater for personal needs or business, however, it cannot be used forever, so someday they have to switch to water sources provided by the government. On the other hand, lower-middle-income communities are vulnerable to access to water, which concentrated in densely populated and coastal areas, which is difficult for the government to provide access to water services. Therefore, this study wants to show access to water services provided by the government and groundwater supply providers, and how access is received by each community group. The location of this study is in Kemijen Village which the majority consists of the customers of water sources provided by the government and Kampung Tambak Lorok which majority consists of customers of groundwater sources. The results show that groundwater providers provide better access, where lower-middle-class people get lower access than upper-middle-class people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Dr. Indu Goyal

Marriage is an important thing in the life of a woman. The importance that our society attaches to marriage is reflected in our literature and it is the central concern of Shashi Deshpade’s novels. In our society where girl learns early that she is ‘Paraya Dhan’, and she is her parents’ responsibility till the day she is handed over to her rightful owners. What a girl makes of her life, how she shapes herself as an individual, what profession she takes up is not as important as whom she marries. Marriage is the ultimate goal of a woman’s life. This paper attempts to probe into the problems of marriage through the protagonists of her novels where one enjoys the freedom of marriage and the other accepts the traditional marriage. Shashi Deshpade highlights the problems of marriage faced by middle-class people in finding suitable grooms for their daughters. This problem is well-illustrated through the characters of her novels. Since the girl’s mind over her childhood is tuned that she is another’s property, she tries to attach a lot of importance to it. it is indeed a tragedy that even in the modern age, Indian females echo the same sentiment where it was marriage which mattered most of them but not to the men. It is a beginning of females sacrifices in life that marriage brings to her. Shashi Deshpande encourages her female protagonists to rise in rebellion against the males in the family matters, instead she wants to build a harmonious relationship between man and woman in a mood of compromise and reconciliation.  


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Nida Alfi Nur Ilmi

ABSTRACT This paper tries to explain and describe the position of UMKM in the Kepuh, Boyolangu Village, Banyuwangi, as an effort to reduce the unemployment rate, especially in the lower middle class and to see how the strategy of the UMKM founders in maintaining their position in all conditions. So it is hoped that readers can find out and analyze UMKM within the scope of the region as an effort to minimize unemployment and increase living standards. This paper use qualitative research method with a qualitative descriptive approach. Establishing UMKM is certainly not an easy thing, because the large number of workers does not guarantee UMKM, who is determined by the appropriate expertise and strategy. In addition, the Government has not been maximally perfect in overcoming problems and financial assistance for community UMKM which in reality is able to absorb many new workers, and has an impact on reducing the unemployment rate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.


Author(s):  
David Swift

This chapter examines opposition to the war from the Left. It will first discuss the conscription issue of 1915-1916, the periodic strikes that threatened to cripple industries during the war, and the soldiers’ strikes and mutinies after the Armistice, the anti-war movement and centres of supposed resistance to the patriotism of the war years, and finally the Leeds and Stockholm conferences of 1917, which seemed to herald a break from the government line and a demand for an early peace settlement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97-101
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter looks at state shrinking and tax cutting, describing how political change in capitalism would come to be dominated by a conservative middle class rather than a leftist working class. Why was there going to be a middle-class tax rebellion? The short answer is that most of the taxes under capitalism are paid by two groups: small businesses and rich individuals. Fortune 500 corporations and large banks pay very few taxes; this group can be called monopoly capital because they are entitled, fully legally, to a wide variety of exemptions that they make full use of. Meanwhile, the poor pay very few taxes because they simply do not have the money. Ultimately, small businesses, wealthy individuals, and the middle class are paying a disproportionately large amount of the expenses of the government while receiving a disproportionately small amount of government benefits. This makes those taxpayers resentful of government bureaucrats, welfare programs, and government waste.


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