scholarly journals Sistem Pemerintahan Indonesia: Pendekatan Teori dan Praktik

Lentera Hukum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 248
Author(s):  
Ahmad Yani

Abstract Indonesia’s presidential system requires the separation of powers (executive, legislative and judiciary) as it is based on checks and balances. It is stated in the Indonesian Constitution, but it still needs further reform, particularly on the limitation of such tripartite powers. This article uses legal research to analyse and discuss theoretical and practical issues on the governmental system of Indonesia. Theoretically, the authority of state institutions in Indonesia encourages an executive-centered government system. In fact, in carrying out functions and authorities, state institutions do not reflect that the Indonesian system of government embraces the separation of powers. In addition, this study recommends the need for refinement and improvement efforts, to enforce ideal concept and practice. Keywords: Theory and  Practice, Governmental System, Indonesia

Author(s):  
Javier García Roca

Es posible comparar presidencialismo y parlamentarismo en los controles parlamentarios. Sin control parlamentario, no puede existir democracia representativa, tampoco en el presidencialismo. Las normas constitucionales y de los Reglamentos ya reflejan ya esa tendencia en Iberoamérica. Esta conclusión lleva a que el clásico debate sobre ambos sistemas de gobierno deba contemplarse de una manera distinta. Hay una pluralidad de tipos presidenciales y semipresidenciales de confusa diferenciación en la realidad. El presidencialismo originario estadounidense es antiguo y difícilmente exportable. El presidencialismo iberoamericano contemporáneo se ha ido parlamentarizando. Existe actualmente un continuum en el binomio presidencialismo/ parlamentarismo con diferencias de grado más que cualitativas. Se advierten tres tendencias: la presidencialización del parlamentarismo europeo, la parlamentarización del presidencialismo iberoamericano, e influencias recíprocas entre los Reglamentos parlamentarios. Pluripartidismo extremado, representación proporcional, y un entendimiento absolutista de la separación de poderes presidencial, que impida los controles parlamentarios, son rasgos incompatibles. La solución más fácil está en abandonar ese entendimiento absolutista que no garantiza bien constitucional alguno. La duración fija del mandato presidencial y la idea de que el Presidente debe responder de forma diferida y directa ante el electorado hacen imposible mecanismos de control- responsabilidad política de su figura, pero puede bastar con reforzar los de control-fiscalización para construir checks and balances y representación política en el Parlamento.It is perfectly possible to compare presidentialism and parlamentarism with regard to controls. Without parliamentary oversight representative democracy does not exist, not even in the presidential system. Constitutional norms and Standing Orders already reflect this tendency in Latin America. This conclusion leads us to a different approach to the classic controversy on both systems of government. There are various kinds of presidential and semi-presidential systems in practice and the differences among them become confusing. The original US presidential system is somewhat outdated and difficult to export. Current Latin American presidentialism has adopted parliamentary patterns. The binomial presidentialism/parlamentarism is nowadays more a continuum with differences in degree rather than in quality. Three tendencies can be detected: European parliamentarism has evolved towards presidential leadership, Latin American presidentialism has incorporated parliamentary tools, and, finally, cross-fertilization among Parliamentary Standing Orders has developed. Extreme multi-party systems, proportional representation, and an absolutist understanding of presidential separation of powers which makes parliamentary oversight impossible are incompatible features. The easiest solution emerges from abandoning that separatist interpretation: such a strong separation on behalf of what? The fixed presidential term of office and the idea that the President should be directly accountable to the electorate and not to the Parliament make mechanisms of political responsibility especially difficult, but certain devices of control-supervision could be enough to achieve checks and balances and parliamentary political representation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahir Tokatlı

In this book, the author examines the development of the Turkish constitution since 1921 in terms of its horizontal separation of powers, and concludes that Turkey’s recent constitutional changes do not imply a presidential system at all. Contrary to the widespread assumption in journalism and academia, the governmental system has persisted in conforming to a parliamentary system. Using a reconceptualisation of the typology of systems of government, this thesis is reinforced and at the same time provides a further contribution to the field of comparative politics by affirming the benefits of the basic dichotomous typology, by elaborating a distinctive subtypification and by rejecting semi-presidentialism as an autonomous type.


Author(s):  
Cristina E. Parau

This chapter analyses Network Community discourses in order to better expose the causal role of its hegemonic norms. Key assumptions held by the Community about the qualities of their agenda are brought to light. Classical Anglo-Saxon conceptions of the separation of powers, checks and balances, judicial independence, and the rule of law, the utility of which has stood the test of time, are compared to the theory and practice of the Network Community’s Judiciary institutional design Template. The Network conceives of the separation of powers, checks and balances, judicial independence, and the rule of law as emanating from the autonomy and supremacy of a Judiciary so empowered as invariably to subordinate all other contestants in case of conflict with itself over constitutional meaning. The chapter ends with a systematic catalogue and critical examination of those few acts of state which the Network Community conceive as legitimate checks and balances on their Judiciary design.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Aris Arianto ◽  
Afif Hasbullah ◽  
Sholihan Sholihan

The establishment of the Act must be approved by the President as stated in Article 20 of the 1945 Constitution paragraph (2). Interesting when Indonesia uses a presidential system with the separation of powers. However, in the formation of the Act involving the President. Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution confirms the necessity of mutual agreement in the discussion and ratification of the Law. However, there are other assertions, namely that in Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution, even without the President's signature, the Act can still be promulgated within 30 days of the Draft Law being discussed. Things like that can't just happen without a reason. Therefore, the writing of this study will look for the meaning of the agreement between the DPR and the President in the formation of the Law and how the legal politics of Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution. The writing of this study is focused on researching and searching for the meaning of mutual agreement and focusing on legal politics from Article 20 paragraph 5 of the 1945 Constitution. The research method in this writing is normative juridical. The results of the research can be concluded that the meaning of the joint agreement between the DPR and the President in the establishment of the Law is an agreement in determining the policy in the form of a Law which is a reflection of the principle of checks and balances. Legal politics Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution is an affirmation of Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution or can be called an affirmation of collective agreement. The establishment of the Act must be approved by the President as stated in Article 20 of the 1945 Constitution paragraph (2). Interesting when Indonesia uses a presidential system with the separation of powers. However, in the formation of the Act involving the President. Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution confirms the necessity of mutual agreement in the discussion and ratification of the Law. However, there are other assertions, namely that in Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution, even without the President's signature, the Act can still be promulgated within 30 days of the Draft Law being discussed. Things like that can't just happen without a reason. Therefore, the writing of this study will look for the meaning of the agreement between the DPR and the President in the formation of the Law and how the legal politics of Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution. The writing of this study is focused on researching and searching for the meaning of mutual agreement and focusing on legal politics from Article 20 paragraph 5 of the 1945 Constitution. The research method in this writing is normative juridical. The results of the research can be concluded that the meaning of the joint agreement between the DPR and the President in the establishment of the Law is an agreement in determining the policy in the form of a Law which is a reflection of the principle of checks and balances. Legal politics Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution is an affirmation of Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution or can be called an affirmation of collective agreement.


Author(s):  
Bosire Conrad M

This chapter examines the changes in the 2010 Kenyan constitution, which have resulted in a higher degree of separation of powers between the legislature and executive with an elaborate system of checks and balances. The decision to opt for a presidential system of government (as opposed to a parliamentary or mixed one) and the re-introduction of the Senate are the defining features of the legislative and executive organs. However, the new system is superimposed on a longstanding institutional and political culture that was based on the presence of executive dominance in legislative affairs in a unicameral setting. The new system of government will, therefore, operate in a broader social, political, and historical context that will have a greater impact on their overall effectiveness.


1922 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-210
Author(s):  
Charles Grove Haines

Formerly political scientists were inclined to criticize the American theory and practice of the separation of powers in the federal and state governments and to commend instead the cabinet or parliamentary form of organization. Thus Walter Bagehot, Sir Henry Maine, Woodrow Wilson, Frank J. Goodnow, along with many others, pointed to the advantages of cabinet or parliamentary government over presidential government as developed in the United States. A consensus of opinion was expressed by Wilson who said, “As at present constituted, the federal government lacks strength because its powers are divided, lacks promptness because its authorities are multiplied, lacks wieldiness because its processes are roundabout, lacks efficiency because its responsibility is indistinct and its action is without competent direction.” At one time the American plan of separation of powers was compared unfavorably with the French system in which governmental powers were divided into two branches—a policy-forming branch or “Politics” and a policy executing branch or “Administration.” On another occasion the tripartite system of the separation of powers was charged with responsibility for much of the political corruption prevalent in American politics. The same theory of separation has often been condemned as requiring too many checks and balances and as involving a do-nothing policy for legislative and executive officers.


Author(s):  
Dimitrios Kyritsis

This chapter articulates the conception of separation of powers that underpins the account of constitutional review advanced in this book. Like all constitutional law, separation of powers must be understood as a legitimacy enhancer: political regimes that conform to it make a stronger moral claim to the allegiance of their citizens. Separation of powers achieves this by structuring cooperation among state institutions in accordance with two imperatives—division of labour and checks and balances. The first imperative dictates (a) that government tasks be assigned to those bodies that can carry them out efficiently or in a way that instantiates relevant intrinsic values such as fairness, and (b) that other bodies respect each other’s contribution. The second imperative dictates that mechanisms be put in place for effectively monitoring government power and averting its misuse.


Author(s):  
Hosen Nadirsyah

This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.


Author(s):  
LWH Ackermann

Constitutional democracy recognises the ancient democratic principle that government of a country is based on and legitimated by the will and consent of the governed, which is determined by regular multi-party elections based on universal adult franchise. Constitutional democracy limits this principle by subjecting the democratically elected government and the will of the majority subject to a written constitution and the norms embodied in it. Such constitution is enshrined as the supreme law of the country in question. An almost universal feature of modern constitutionalism is a Bill of Rights that forms part of the Constitution and which is designed to protect and enforce individual rights principally, although not exclusively, against the state. Constitutionalism also embodies the principle of the separation of powers. A competent and independent judiciary, with the power to review all legislative and executive conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution, is regarded, almost universally, as the prime and most effective check on the legislative and executive branches of government. Recently it has come to be realised that for the truly effective and meaningful operation of constitutionalism, other independent state institutions are necessary. The collective objective of these institutions is to ensure that the Constitution in fact produces what it proclaims: that constitutionalism becomes a way of life in all institutional structures. The South African Constitution has clearly designated the judiciary as the prime upholder and enforcer of the Constitution. The Constitution has, however, gone further and makes provision for a variety of independent state institutions whose purpose is to "strengthen constitutional democracy in the Republic". Apart from these state institutions the Constitution also makes provision for other independent bodies designed to play an important checking and balancing role. The regular effective functioning of these institutions is vitally important for creating and sustaining an ethos of constitutionalism among the inhabitants of the Republic.The Constitution makes explicit provision for the protection of the judiciary and the other independent state institutions and thereby indirectly for the development of habits of constitutionalism. The constitutional protection and support given to the independent state institutions are very similar to that given to the courts. One important distinction is to be noted. In the case of the courts, the Constitution provides that they "are subject only to the Constitution and the law" and no provision is made for them to be accountable to any other organ of state or any other institution or person, for that matter. By contrast, the independent institutions envisaged in section 181 of the Constitution are expressly made accountable to the National Assembly and are obliged to report on their activities and the performance of their functions to the Assembly at least once a year. While the formal independence of state institutions may at all times be scrupulously recognised by the legislature and the executive, their substantive independence can easily be undermined by fiscal starvation and their ability to function properly impeded by bureaucratic administrative obstruction or obfuscation or even, quite innocently, by a lack of appreciation of what the Constitution demands from public administration in support of these institutions. Adequate financial and administrative resources are required to achieve aspects of judicial independence. All South Africans must still be vigilant to ensure, from the outset, that all state organs develop habits and practices of constitutionalism and that they do not, whether by omission, error, or otherwise endanger the independence of our independent state institutions by neglecting their constitutional obligations.For the Constitutional Court to fulfil its role as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution, it must be independent. Its members cannot be elected, because that would imply that the Court owed allegiance or were accountable to the political majority or other elector in question. On the other hand, it is seen as undemocratic for a body that is not elected to be in a position to overrule the expressed will of the political representatives of the majority. This paradox exists in respect of all our courts and makes the method of appointing judicial officers particularly important in order to ensure at the same time, and as far as this is practically possible, both their independence and their legitimacy. The judiciary is however not an arm of the state that has been exempted from all checks and balances. The checks and balances on the judiciary are not the same as in the case of the legislature and the executive. In the case of the latter the checks and balances are principally through the Constitution, as enforced by the courts, and through the political process. In the case of the courts these checks and balances cannot be through the political process, for this would undermine the independence of the judiciary. One of the reciprocal obligations that a constitutional democracy imposes on all its subjects, is to support the independent constitutional institutions, as constitutional institutions, not only vocally at the level of intellectual abstraction, but by actively working to establish the habits of consitutionalism in all societal structures and societal interaction.


2016 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Monika Poboży

The article poses a question about the existence of the rule of separation of powers in the EU institutional system, as it is suggested by the wording of the treaties. The analysis led to the conclusion, that in the EU institutional system there are three separated functions (powers) assigned to different institutions. The Council and the European Parliament are legislative powers, the Commission and the European Council create a “divided executive”. The Court of Justice is a judicial power. The above mentioned institutions gained strong position within their main functions (legislative, executive, judicial), but the proper mechanisms of checks and balances have not been developed, especially in the relations between legislative and executive power. These powers do not limit one another in the EU system. In the EU there are therefore three separated but arbitrary powers – because they do not limit and balance one another, and are not fully controlled by the member states.


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