scholarly journals Pakistan media: Unnamed sources reveal political crises and law and order problems

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
Abhijit Mazumdar

Journalists use sources to accord credibility to their news stories. However, they use unnamed sources when they feel the sources would be harmed for revealing information to the media. This qualitative study analyzes news from unnamed sources in political stories in Pakistani media. It uses grounded theory to find common themes in the news obtained from unnamed sources. The common themes found in the study were about political crises, and breakdown of law and order in Pakistan. The author discusses the ways in which unnamed sources were used in the stories. Many unnamed sources gave views that were different from those given by named sources in the same story, while a few stories did not give any indication of the rank of the unnamed sources in the hierarchy of the political party or the army.

Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Jesús Moya Vela

RESUMENCon teoría fundamentada, se construyeron categorías y códigos de análisis que permitieron abordar cómo es que un grupo de habitantes de un espacio rural, manifiestan sus procesos de subjetivación como resultado de las relaciones que este tipo de economía fomenta, y que son los elementos de interacción simbólica de su identidad. Lo anterior enmarcado en un contexto definido por el hecho de que la producción campesina se encuentra en lo que parecería ser un proceso de descomposición. Este trabajo es parte de una investigación que fue usada como proyecto de tesis para conseguir el grado de doctor en ciencia política.ABSTRACTWith grounded theory, categories and analysis codes were building and they have permitted on board how is it a group of rural populations, manifest their process of subjectivity how a result of the relations that this kind of economy promotes, and that are the interaction elements symbolic of their identity. The above marked in a context defined by the fact that the peasant production had been in decomposition. This work is part of a research that was used like a thesis project to towards the political science doctorate. 


2001 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini ◽  
Mark Gilbert

On 13 May 2001, Italy Elected To Power A Centre-Right Coalition headed by the media magnate Silvio Berlusconi. Forza Italia, the political party founded by Berlusconi in 1994 when he first decided to enter politics, became the most widely supported political force in the country with almost 30 per cent of the popular vote. Forza Italia's success was partly a result of its ability to ‘cannibalize’ the votes of two of its smaller coalition partners, the Biancofiore, an electoral coalition between the Christian Democratic Centre (CCD) and the United Christian Democrats (CDU), and the Northern League (Lega Nord), both of whom saw their share of the vote fall sharply. The other party in Berlusconi's ‘House of Freedoms’ coalition, the National Alliance (AN), the formerly neo-fascist party that now sees itself as a pillar of the democratic right, held steady in electoral terms but remains very much a junior partner in the coalition.


Author(s):  
Phillip Santos ◽  
Mthokozisi P Ndhlovu

Political crises can (re)configure relations between the media, political institutions, actors, and processes, sometimes in unpredictable ways. By focusing on how two leading Zimbabwean daily newspapers, The Herald and NewsDay framed the controversial entrance of President Robert Mugabe's wife Grace Mugabe into active politics, the chapter assesses media - politics relations during a political crisis. The chapter uses argumentation and rhetoric analysis to analyse the stories published by the two publications in October 2014, as this was Grace Mugabe's most politically active period. It argues that during a political crisis, the media become political players that wittingly/unwittingly persuade citizens using argumentation and rhetoric to support certain political positions with real consequences in the political sphere.


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine R. Allen ◽  
Christine E. Kaestle ◽  
Abbie E. Goldberg

Parents, peers, schools, and the media are the primary contexts for educating young people about sexuality. Yet girls receive more sex education than boys, particularly in terms of menstruation. Lack of attention to how and what boys learn about menstruation has consequences for their private understanding about the biology of reproduction and also for social and cultural ideologies of gendered relationships. In this qualitative study, 23 written narratives from male undergraduates (aged 18-24 years) were analyzed using grounded theory methodology to explore how young men perceive their past and present learning about this uniquely female experience. Findings suggest that most boys first learned about menstruation in their families, primarily through their sisters’ menarche; menstruation is experienced—in boyhood at least—as a gender wedge; and most men described a developmental process of moving from a childish attitude of menstruation as “gross” to seeing themselves as maturing through the experience of an intimate relationship.


Author(s):  
Michael Lohle ◽  
Steven Terrell

This qualitative study informs project managers of the impact that the authentic projection of coworker identity via avatars has on trust and potential project management success when teams use virtual worlds to collaborate. By exploring the common experiences and reactions of potential virtual team participants to a demonstration that showed how to customize avatars and use them to communicate with others, it facilitated the development of a grounded theory that confirms whether the projection of authenticity via avatars is an antecedent of team trust and real project management success. Real management success was the main objective, since it is vital for the enterprise to use all means possible for competitive advantage in an ever-expanding technological society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Ahmad Nazari

One of the research topics which intrigues researchers in the subject areas of applied linguistics, international relations and politics is political discourse and the way it is perceived and represented in the media. Researchers have analysed and interpreted the political and international relations discourse of various politicians and diplomats in different countries. By the same token, Iran, as a country with an influence on the political issues of the Middle East and a role in international dynamics and trends, has devoted a plethora of research to itself where researchers have examined and critiqued the international and foreign policies of Iran in various periods of time, in relation to various countries and in connection with various political and international events and situations. However, a search carried out by the present researcher showed that there are not many publications on how the British mass media, newspapers in particular, perceive and represent the Iranian government’s international relations discourse. To address this lacuna, a corpus of news stories and reports extracted from two renowned British newspapers, the Guardian and Daily Mail, was analysed by adopting a double hermeneutic content analysis approach. The results suggest that the two newspapers, in spite of being famous for having polar political views, seem to have similar perceptions and representations of the above discourse. The study also provides directions for further research in other contexts. 


Author(s):  
Sepri Yunarman

This research aimed to describes the failure process of Andre Rosiade to be a Mayor candidate of Padang in 2013 from the perspective of political sociology, particularly political communication. This study found that Andre Rosiade started his socialization by using massive political advertising media. This effort was quite successful in raising the level of popularity and electability. However, in political communication only done (depending) with one political party, he failed. Roland Barthes called this phenomenon with the concept of the death of the author (The Death of the Author). This study was a qualitative research. Interviews, observation and literature study were data collection tools. The collected data were analyzed by the method negativa semiotics of Roland Barthes. The results showed that political communication built intensely by Andre through the media was not enough to convince the Party of Social Justice (PKS) to carry him become a Mayor. For Andre, political communication which he did deemed always to have denotative meaning, but it was considered to have connotative meanings for the political party.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the late 1960s and the start of the Troubles. At times of marginalisation from the political mainstream through broadcasting bans and structural bias in the media, republicans used their own activist newspapers, pamphlets and promotional materials to convey their political messages. In the same period Sinn Féin began and finished the journey from being the marginal political wing of the Provisional IRA to being arguably the most prominent political party in Irish nationalist politics. Its transformation from minority voice of an armed organisation which saw violence as central to its goals to the main voice of republicanism that had accepted ceasefires and the political path was remarkable. Activist media was central to ideological journey of the Shinners, providing an internal space in which to articulate and interrogate dynamic shifts in ideology and an outward face to communicate these developments.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-26
Author(s):  
Julija Slipetska

The article is devoted to the study of features and patterns of formation of party brands, analyzes colors, party symbols, key slogans of parliamentary parties in 2019. The essence of the concept of "political brand" and "party brand" is clarified, their characteristics and structure are defined. Article outlines the features of the processes of virtualization and mediatization of politics, pointing to the place of the political and party brand in these processes. The author outlines the features of political branding as a technology of political marketing, analyzes the technology of formation and promotion of political and party brand. Examining the practical experience of using political branding by modern Ukrainian political parties during the parliamentary election campaign in 2019, the author points to successful cases and explains their features. Installed. that the party brand is a virtual social phenomenon that creates in voter a sense of belonging to a particular community.It was found, that the common features of all party brands include: the presence of integral components of the party brand, the hypertrophied nature of the personal factor in the construction and promotion of political and party brand, the use of political advertising, co-branding and "star brand". Established, that the party brands of modern parliamentary parties of Ukraine can be identified as those that are recognizable by the majority of the population, have similar popularity at both local and national levels, have potential for long stay in the political space, are constantly mentioned in the media. It was revealed, that the distinctive features of party brands during the 2019 election campaign are various communication channels in which the brand is popularized, as well as the dominant technology of brand construction.


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