scholarly journals Autorytarna merytokracja — zarys modelu i jego legitymizacja na przykładzie Chin

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-258
Author(s):  
Jacek Srokosz

The article analyses the model of authoritarian meritocracy and its legitimisation on the example of the Chinese People’s Republic. The discussed model is based on three principles: 1. power is exercised by a monoparticle elite that legitimises its position on the basis of moral and substantive criteria; 2. patriarchal and anti-democratic governance; 3. the authorities’ policy aims to meet the material needs of citizens, but without granting them political rights. The Communist Party of China in its official narrative, on the one hand, refers to the assumptions of Maoism, but on the other hand, to a much greater extent — especially in the field of economic cases and the operation of the administrative apparatus — to the Confucian tradition. The model of authoritarian meritocracy in China should be treated as an ongoing experiment, whose final shape has a much more local nature than universal one, which it tries to claim. Nevertheless, the economic success and rapid modernization progress of the “Central State” undermined the theses formulated in the West after 1989 that economic development must be accompanied by the implementation of liberal democracy principles. For this reason, the Chinese authoritarian meritocracy may be perceived as a real alternative to the existing hegemonic vision of the West — the need to combine a free market economy with political freedoms and autonomy of individuals.

Author(s):  
Eglė Rindzevičiūtė

This epilogue addresses the complex question of the link between system-cybernetic governmentality and the neoliberal transformation of post-Soviet Russia. Although the system-cybernetic governmentality and economic neoliberalism did not share institutional origins, they were linked during the post-Soviet transformation as a result of historical momentum: the members of the Soviet systems approach community were best positioned to conduct the transfer of the models of the market economy from the West at a time when neoliberal ideas on the free market economy were gaining popularity. However, this should not mean that the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality should be tainted as neoliberal; rather, this reveals the extent to which scientific governance can be appropriated by different economic and political regimes. If anything, the pre-1980 history of system-cybernetic governmentality is a history of a rather liberal governmental technology, underscoring the conditions of autonomy, self-regulation, and government at a distance.


Author(s):  
Tsehai Alemayehu

This essay presents the case for a national campaign of economic literacy in Ethiopia. It argues that given the lack of opportunities for exposure to a properly functioning market economy or for formal training in economic principles, Ethiopians tend to be predisposed to accepting and/or seeking guidance from government regulators as though that is the natural or only way to proceed in their business and personal choices. This state of affaires is a key reason for the state of abject poverty Ethiopians have had to live in for generations. The paper proposes a two track program of economic education to free the creative talents of the people of Ethiopia from the shackles of regulation. Such a program, it is argued, is a necessary although not a sufficient condition for the Ethiopian economy to bust loose from its prolonged state of paralysis. Economic education which helps let citizens be free from bureaucratic regimens to dream and to take calculated risk in the pursuit of their economic and financial ambitions will also make significant contributions towards expanding the scope for personal freedoms in other dimensions of life in Ethiopian.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S Landes

In the history of technological development, why didn't other regions keep up with Europe? This is an important question, as one learns almost as much from failure as from success. The one civilization that was in a position to match and even anticipate the European achievement was China. China had two chances: first, to generate a continuing, self-sustaining process of scientific and technological advance on the basis of its indigenous traditions and achievements; and second, to learn from European science and technology once the foreign “barbarians” entered the Chinese domain in the sixteenth century. China failed both times. What explains the first failure? I stress the role of the market: the fact that enterprise was free in Europe while China lacked a free market and institutionalized property rights; that in Europe innovation worked and paid, while the Chinese state was always stepping in to interfere with private enterprise. As for the second failure, China's cultural triumphalism combined with petty downward tyranny made it a singularly bad learner.


2019 ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Core Europe and North America have often imagined themselves to be invulnerable to the Russian influence campaigns that have affected smaller, weaker countries in the lands in between. However, in recent years, that perception has broken down as Russia regularly hacks democratic elections in the West, sponsors extremists, spreads disinformation, and may have tipped the US 2016 presidential election to Donald Trump. The West now exhibits a similar politics to what we observe in the lands in between—with growing political extremism and polarization on the one hand and the rise of cynical power brokers on the other who seek to profit from both sides of an intensifying divide. Increasingly, democratic elections seem to pose a “civilizational choice” between the forces of liberal democracy and authoritarian nationalism on the Russian model.


Author(s):  
Paweł Bukowski ◽  
Gregory Clark ◽  
Attila Gáspár ◽  
Rita Pető

AbstractThis paper measures social mobility rates in Hungary during the period 1949 to 2017, using surnames to measure social status. In those years, there were two very different social regimes. The first was the Hungarian People’s Republic (1949–1989), which was a communist regime with an avowed aim of favouring the working class. The second is the modern liberal democracy (1989–2017), which is a free-market economy. We find five surprising things. First, social mobility rates were low for both upper- and lower-class families during 1949–2017, with an underlying intergenerational status correlation of 0.6–0.8. Second, social mobility rates under communism were the same as in the subsequent capitalist regime. Third, the Romani minority throughout both periods showed even lower social mobility rates. Fourth, the descendants of the eighteenth-century noble class in Hungary were still significantly privileged in 1949 and later. And fifth, although social mobility rates did not change measurably during the transition, the composition of the political elite changed rapidly and sharply.


Author(s):  
Ibrahim Taha

This chapter discusses the beginnings of the novelistic tradition in Palestine. It first provides a brief historical overview of the Palestinian novel before discussing the three major spaces into which Palestinian literature in general is divided: inside Israel, in the Occupied Territories (the West Bank and the Gaza Strip) since 1967, and in the Diaspora. It then considers the works of Palestinian writers in Israel that focus on the Intifada, including Zakī Darwīsh and Tawfīq Mu‘ammar, along with Palestinian novels written in the Diaspora by authors such as Jabrā Ibrahīm Jabrā and Ghassān Kanafānī. It shows that all three spaces of the Palestinian novel share some major themes related to national identity, political rights, and the tension between people and communities, on the one hand, and regimes and political authorities, on the other.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 10) ◽  
pp. 461-468
Author(s):  
J. Stávková ◽  
E. Maca

The paper presents some partial data obtained in studies on basic indicators of the development of Czech agriculture within the time interval of 1980–2001. The statistical analysis, carried out within a spatially defined territory, enabled to compare the average level and variability of gross plant production, gross animal production and gross agricultural production (in fixed prices of the year 1989) during the period of transformation of the centrally planned economy to free market economy on the one hand, and to quantify their dynamics and structure on the other. Using the method of time series, the authors analyse absolute and relative changes in production and sale of the selected plant and animal commodities in the period of 1990–2001.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Gentian Kaprata

Albania is a developing country that has embarked on the path of transition from a society of monist governance and centralized planning economy to a society of liberal democracy with free market economy 30 years ago. It is not moving at the pace it intended in the early 1990s, because of the etatist mentality of the country's political elite, but often also of experts in certain sectors. This has happened in these years also in the sector of territorial planning and development, where etatist understandings have impeded the empowerment of citizens in the processes of drafting territorial planning and development decision-making. This has led to development taking place in two different ways, on one hand governments have attempted to control development by forcing citizens to interact with the territory according to the rigid rules imposed by the government, and on the other hand the citizens have carried out construction developments in a fragmented manner, and without any harmony between each other and the obligations of government. In this paper we aimed to build another approach for future development in an Albania aiming at integration into the European Union. This path should be development based on previously adopted territorial planning instruments, drawn up in democratic and parliamentary processes. Governance must understand and accept the new and different role it played 30 years ago in territorial development issues, and recognize citizens as co-actors in the processes of drafting territorial and urban planning instruments.


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (55) ◽  
pp. 74-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodora Vetta

Following the Belgrade riots after Kosovo's proclamation of independence in February 2008 and the rise of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party in elections since 2001, several analysts have portrayed Serbia as a highly divided and confused nation unable to choose between a European, urban, and cosmopolitan democrat identity and a patriarchal, peasant, and collectivists nationalist one. This article historicizes this widespread culture-talk by ethnographically grounding it in particular processes that constitute Serbia's trajectory toward free market economy and liberal democracy. The concept of class as an analytical tool appears accurate in trying to understand people's biographies and political choices. By deconstructing popular cultural stereotypes of Radikali, the article argues that nationalism provides a framework that resonates most with the material and symbolic needs of a wide range of population. In the absence of a strong institutionalized left, the political choices of "nationalism's supporters" are based more on rational choice than on identity quests and strategies of manipulation.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fouad A-L.H. Abou-Hatab

This paper presents the case of psychology from a perspective not widely recognized by the West, namely, the Egyptian, Arab, and Islamic perspective. It discusses the introduction and development of psychology in this part of the world. Whenever such efforts are evaluated, six problems become apparent: (1) the one-way interaction with Western psychology; (2) the intellectual dependency; (3) the remote relationship with national heritage; (4) its irrelevance to cultural and social realities; (5) the inhibition of creativity; and (6) the loss of professional identity. Nevertheless, some major achievements are emphasized, and a four-facet look into the 21st century is proposed.


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