scholarly journals “Conflict-Free Arctic”: Pro et Contra

2021 ◽  
pp. 34-46
Author(s):  
E. Labetskaya
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Case Study Methodology ◽  
Important Region ◽  
Regional Strategies ◽  
Free Region ◽  
The Usa

Analyzing the increasing tension in the world and the Trans-Arctic (the transnational political space of the Arctic), the author emphasizes the presence of a “dormant conflict gene” in the region and the need for Russia to take it into account when implementing its chairmanship in the Arctic Council (2021-2023). Not accepting the opinions that existed over the past decade about the Arctic as a “conflict-free region”’, the author identifies a range of threats fraught with the awakening of the “conflict gene”. Since the Trans-Arctic is a subsystem of global interstate relations with their crises and conflicts, the author considers the laws of its development and functioning through the foreign policy activities of states, which crucially determine whether the possibility of conflict will be realized or not. The increased military and strategic attention to the region by the USA and NATO, the revision of the regional strategies by other Arctic countries, as well as the expanding presence of non-regional countries in the Arctic, together reflect the growing conflict potential of the Trans-Arctic. The author explains why saying that the region in the XXI century remains free from military confrontation means wishful thinking. Criticizing the view of the Arctic through “rose-colored glasses” that soften the landscape of the hybrid war platz in the Arctic, the author recalls her interviews with the commander-in-Chief of the Joint Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact Member States, Marshal of the Soviet Union Viktor G. Kulikov. Analyzing the “dormant conflict gene” in the Arctic, it is important to remember that the Trans-Arctic is a virtual bond of two other transnational political spaces, known as Trans-Atlantic, Trans-Pacific. Special attention is paid to the “dormant conflict gene” in the Trans-Arctic in the context of Washington-led NATO, which in 2009 declared the Arctic a strategically important region, requiring a rethinking of NATO's military doctrine, taking into account the geopolitical realities of the XXI century. The paper uses the case-study methodology, a systematic approach, discourse analysis, the author's 15-year journalistic baggage of VIP interviews and her own observations on the “fields” of international forums.

scholarly journals The Modernization of Poland Defense Forces to Respond Russia Military Presence in Kaliningrad Oblast (2014-2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Widya Dwi Rachmawati
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Kaliningrad Oblast ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Military

The geopolitical security condition of Eastern Europe has undergone a drastic shift from Communist to Democratic ideology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Poland immediately joined the Western alliance, which led to the massive structural changes of the country. The shift has had an enormous impact on Russia where it has made various confrontations to regain its influence in the region. Russia continues to increase tensions by increasing the military capabilities of Kaliningrad Oblast, which is directly bordered by Poland. In response, the Polish government made efforts to modernize its military as part of the Defense White Book 2013 to improve its military capabilities in response to Russian military presence in Kaliningrad Oblast. The role of the global players (EU, NATO, and the USA) is key important to the security stability of the region. Poland on its four pillars specifically calls the alliance with the USA and becomes a member of NATO as an important factor in the formulation of its defense policy, in which Poland could increase the capabilities of its Armed Forces.

scholarly journals Consultative meetings of non-Arctic states on the status of the Arctic

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 296-318
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Vylegzhanin ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Kienko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Arctic Ocean ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Arctic Ocean ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
New Instruments

The article, in the context of the contemporary status of the Arctic, examines the legal and political documents adopted by China, Japan and South Korea in regard to their arctic policy, including those agreed upon by these three States. The alarming reaction to such documents in the Arctic coastal states, firstly, in the USA and Canada, is also considered in the article. Relevant western scholars’ arguments are scrutinized, such as the increase of “China’s military power”; China’s “insatiable appetite” for access to natural resources in the Arctic; the argument that “China seeks to dominate” the Arctic and the situation when “the Arctic Council is split”; the notion that China makes other non-Arctic States create separate legal documents concerning the regime of the Arctic Ocean. The article concludes that the western interpretation of such documents is alarming only in relation to China. The research shows that up till now there are no grounds for such estimations of China’s negative role. However, statements by Chinese officials as cited in the article and some provisions stipulated in “China’s Arctic policy” contradict the common will of the Arctic coastal states in regard to the legal regime of the Arctic Ocean as reflected in the Ilulissat Declaration of 2008. In such a dynamic legal environment, new instruments of collaboration are in demand, which might involve China and other non-Arctic states in maintaining the established legal regime of the Arctic. Thus, the new instruments would deter the creation (with unpredictable consequences) by China, Japan and South Korea of new trilateral acts relating to the status of the Arctic.

The Arctic: Press, Policy and the Arctic Council

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38
Author(s):  
Yelena Yermakova
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
New York Times ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Media

The changing situation in the Arctic due to global warming has prompted media coverage of a supposed “scramble for the Arctic,” an “Arctic boom,” or an “Arctic Bonanza.” Some even go further, deploying the rhetoric of a “New Cold War,” predicting an inevitable clash between the United States and Russia over interests in the region. The press coverage in both countries over the past decade reflects this new sensationalism. The academic literature unequivocally confirms that the press exerts substantial influence on governmental policy makers, and vice versa. However, while scholars agree that international organizations (IOs) are essential to shaping policies, the existing literature lacks research on media’s relationship with IOs, which often struggle to obtain the coverage and publicity they deserve. The Arctic Council has provided an effective platform for constructive dialogue and decision making involving the USA and Russia. Accordingly, despite disagreements in other regions of the world, the two global powers have managed to cooperate in the Arctic – notwithstanding recent media coverage painting a different and incomplete picture. This project surveys the media coverage of the Arctic over the past decade in Russia and the USA and its correlation with the Arctic Council’s activities. The analysis draws upon two prominent news organizations in Russia (Kommersant and Izvestiya) and two in the USA (the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal), as well as the Arctic Council’s press releases from June 2006 to June 2017. The paper finds that there is a clear disconnect between media coverage of the region and the Arctic Council’s activities. It recommends that the media pay more attention to the organization, particularly since it is the only prominent platform for international cooperation in the Arctic.

scholarly journals What the USA will bring to its chairmanship of the Arctic Council

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhuravel ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Arctic ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Usa

scholarly journals Правовой статус Северного морского пути: французская доктрина

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (52) ◽  
pp. 70-76
Author(s):  
Л. В. Вереина ◽  
А. В. Котлова
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Legal Doctrine ◽  
Northern Sea Route ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government

Правительство Российской Федерации утвердило план развития инфраструктуры Северного морского пути (далее – СМП) до 2035 г. Грузооборот Северного морского пути к 2035 г. должен увеличиться в восемь раз, достигнув показателя в 160 млн т. Российская Федерация ведёт активную работу по обновлению ледокольного флота и портовой инфраструктуры. В Российской Федерации СМП рассматривается как исторически сложившаяся национальная транспортная коммуникация, что, на наш взгляд, соответствует нормам международного права. Вместе с тем, не все зарубежные государства придерживаются российского подхода к правовому статусу СМП. Так, например, Соединенные Штаты Америки заявляют о необходимости интернационализации СМП по мере освобождения данной водной артерии от льда. В качестве примера усиливающегося политического и экономического давления западных стран в отношении России можно привести отказ не-скольких крупных компаний от использования СМП для перевозки грузов под предлогом охраны окружающей среды. Ряд других зарубежных стран также имеют свою точку зрения по вопросу определения правового статуса и режима судоходства по Северному морскому пути. Поскольку Франция является одним из ведущих государств Европейского союза, членом Североатлантического альянса, одним из двенадцати неарктических государств, являющихся наблюдателями в Арктическом совете, а также государством, которое обозначило себя как «полярное государство», считаем целесообразным рассмотреть французскую международно-правовую доктрину о статусе Северного морского пути. The Government of the Russian Federation approved the plan for the development of the Northern Sea Route (hereinafter – SMP) until 2035. The cargo turnover of the Northern Sea Route by 2035 is expected to increase eight-fold up to 160 million tons. The Russian Federation is actively working to renew the icebreaker fleet and port infrastructure. In Russia, the SMP is regarded as a historically established national transport communication which, in our opinion, corresponds to the norms of international law. At the same time, not all foreign states adhere to the Russian approach to the legal status of the SMP. For example, the USA advocates the internationalization of the SMP. The popular wisdom is that the SMP is the international strait. As an example of the increasing political and economic pressure of Western countries toward Russia is the refusal of several large companies to use SMP under the pretext of environmental protection. As France is one of the leading states of the European Union, a member of the NATO, one of the twelve non-Arctic states that are observers in the Arctic Council and a state which identifies itself as a “polar” state, examining the French international legal doctrine concerning the status of the Northern Sea Route has to be relevant.

Podpułkownik doktor medycyny Konstanty Świder (1908–1965), zasłużony psychiatra Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie

2021 ◽  
Vol 99 (4) ◽  
pp. 191-198
Author(s):  
Stanisław Ilnicki
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Premature Death ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Literary Work ◽  
Professional Activity ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Military Physician

This is the first of three papers published in this issue of the Lekarz Wojskowy (Military Physician) magazine dedicated to an outstanding military physician, Lt. Col. Konstanty Świder MD, PhD, forgotten in Poland. The paper presents his lineage, school years and studies, at the Physician Department of the Warsaw University and at the Medical Cadets School in Warsaw. The beginning of Świder’s career as a professional military physician in Poland, his fate after the outbreak of the WWII in September 1939 – time he spent in Soviet captivity, his military service in the Anders’ Army in the Soviet Union, in the Middle East, and during the Italian Campaign, and his contribution to building a psychiatric support system for soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces in the West are described. The last part of the paper describes the course of Dr. Konstanty Świder’s professional stabilization as an immigrant in the USA and his activity in the Polish diaspora in Chicago up to his premature death in 1965. Moreover, examples of Dr. Świder’s literary work and information on the status and professional activity of his children in the USA are presented.

A Strategic Perspective on the Arctic

1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 135-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tønne Huitfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Polar Region ◽  
Barents Sea ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
Buffer Zone ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Strategic Perspective

Strategically, the Arctic enjoys the unique – and also somewhat precarious – position as a ‘buffer zone’ between the two superpowers; the USA and the USSR. On the outskirts of the Arctic region, the Barents Sea has become, in military-political terms, one of the most important sea areas in the world. A factor of prime significance in this connection has been the growing Soviet emphasis on a forward naval strategy linked with the massive build-up of the Northern Fleet and the Kola base. Against this backdrop, the author analyses the strategic importance of the Polar region, and the changes brought about by the discovery of oil, natural gas and minerals in Northern Siberia, Canada and Alaska as well as on the continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean. Although the development and transit of these new resources could become a stabilizing factor in the area, there are still unresolved problems as regards division of rights and boundaries. The main strategic importance of the Polar region will still be derived from its location between the two superpowers. The author finds that the situation as it now develops in the Polar region could be exploited to achieve two important aims of Norwegian foreign policy: to strengthen Norway's ties with its Atlantic partners, and to increase the assurance of the Soviet Union. In order to achieve these aims, a common policy should be worked out in cooperation with other NATO members who have interests in the Polar region, i.e. Denmark, Iceland, Canada and the United States.

scholarly journals Internationalization of Vocational Education in the Arctic Council Member-States’ Universities

2020 ◽  
pp. 220-235
Author(s):  
Maria PITUKHINA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Students ◽  
Vocational Education ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Council Member ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The University ◽  
Quantitative Indicators

Nowadays, the potential for international cooperation in the Arctic is concentrated within the framework of such an influential international structure as the Arctic Council, where Russia is presiding over soon in 2021–2023. The article is devoted to international cooperation evaluation of 15 Arctic universities from 7 Arctic Council member-states with a student contingent of at least 3,600 people (2 in the USA, 1 in Iceland, 5 in Russia, 2 in Finland, 2 in Sweden, 2 in Norway, 1 in Canada). It seems possible to evaluate international cooperation potential between Arctic universities through the prism of 10 quantitative indicators, including the number of international students admitted to the university; number of courses taught in English; number of educational programs for international students; a number of foreign scientists invited to the university, etc. We can evaluate both academic mobility within the Arctic universities and vocational education internationalization due to accumulated statistical data.

“In Fact, We Do Not Have a Regular Army Yet…” A Letter of the Commander of Kiev Region Armed Forces General A.M. Dragomirov to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of South Russia General A.I. Denikin. 12 (25) December 1919

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 245-264
Author(s):  
Andrey Ganin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Stanford University ◽  
The South ◽  
Moral Improvement ◽  
Policy And Strategy ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Commander In Chief

The document published is a letter from the commander of the Kiev Region General Abram M. Dragomirov to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia General Anton I. Denikin of December, 1919. The source covers the events of the Civil War in Ukraine and the views of the leadership of the White Movement in the South of Russia on a number of issues of policy and strategy in Ukraine. The letter was found in the Hoover Archives of Stanford University in the USA in the collection of Lieutenant General Pavel A. Kusonsky. The document refers to the period when the white armies of the South of Russia after the bright success of the summer-autumn “March on Moscow” in 1919 were stopped by the Red Army and were forced to retreat. On the pages of the letter, Dragomirov describes in detail the depressing picture of the collapse of the white camp in the South of Russia and talks about how to improve the situation. Dragomirov saw the reasons for the failure of the White Movement such as, first of all, the lack of regular troops, the weakness of the officers, the lack of discipline and, as a consequence, the looting and pogroms. In this regard, Dragomirov was particularly concerned about the issue of moral improvement of the army. Part of the letter is devoted to the issues of the civil administration in the territories occupied by the White Army. Dragomirov offers both rational and frankly utopian measures. However, the thoughts of one of the closest Denikin’s companions about the reasons what had happened are interesting for understanding the essence of the Civil War and the worldview of the leadership of the anti-Bolshevik Camp.

Condition of the Armenian Apostolic Church at the Time of Coming to Authority N. S. Khrushchev

2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
National Archive ◽  
The State ◽  
State Archive ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Apostolic Church

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.

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