Régis Debray – the Last Oracle of the French Republic

Author(s):  
Natalia A. Rutkevich ◽  

The article examines the main themes of the work of Régis Debray, one of the most important French philosophers and writers of our time. Debray is familiar to Russian readers primarily as an associate of Che Guevara and a theorist of the Cuban revolutionary movement, as well as the author of works on mediology – a science he himself created on the study of the transmission of ideas and sym­bols. Central to his mature and late work are the ideas of sacred in human com­munities, the conditions of the emergence, transmission and disappearance of re­ligious, national and other forms of sacrality, and the related evolution of world civilizations. Debray is recognized by his peers as one of the most perceptive an­alysts of French political culture, and his article, Are you a Democrat or a Re­publican?, written in the year of the bicentennial of the French revolution in 1989, anticipates the processes that will unfold over the next thirty years. Debray describes these processes as a gradual desacralization of the Republic, the emas­culation of its basic principles and its transformation into “a common Anglo-Saxon democracy”. As a result, the “one and indivisible secular Republic” is falling apart into communities, each of which establishes its own shrines. The dissolution of France’s particular republican model is taking place in the background, and as part of a more global process of the decline of European civilisation and its dissolution into Western Atlantic civilisation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski

<p>The Fifth French Republic owes its originality and permanence to Charles de Gaulle’s constitutional convictions and his determination to reform. However, in the case of France, which intellectual culture presupposes that institutions are shaped by a logical sequence of ideas, also the scientific justification of the political change must have been of great importance. The author of the theoretical rationalization of the Fifth Republic and its institutional revolution within the republican tradition was the forgotten lawyer Raymond Carré de Malberg. Pioneering nature of his writings may not raise any doubts. Carré de Malberg challenged a theory of parliament’s sovereignty from the republican perspective, which had an impact on thinking of the juristic elites participating in drafting the Fifth Republic Constitution. Carré de Malberg opened the door of republican tradition wide to the general presidential elections and referendum. He delineated the solution he recommended as the one that was in full accord with the notions and principles of the French Revolution. He applied the legal language to underscore the fact that the republic democratization would allow for the subjectivization of the executive power, restoration of the constituting power of the nation, primacy of the constitution and, consequently, the review of the constitutionality of bills. Carré de Malberg made a breakthrough in the French theory of constitutional law and thus opened up an opportunity for staging a republican institutional revolution that was an act of the founders of the Fifth Republic.</p>


Author(s):  
D G Mihailichenko ◽  
E V Sobolev

The article focuses on peculiarities of the political culture of habitants of middle and big cities in the Republic of Bashkortostan. Economic distinctions of the region, its multyethnicity and religious diversity allows to apply conclusions on the state as a whole. Based on sociological data and historical analysis the authors revealed the genesis of the subjective type of political culture in the middle and big cities of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The authors also examine such peculiarities of the culture of townsmen as low protest potential, political indifference, alienating type of behavior, absence of critical attitude to information. The authors analyze the principal problems that city’s habitants faced in the conditions of economic and political transformation and how the subjective type of culture impedes to resolve these problems in a positive way. Such problems of the cities are pointed out as deindustrialization, depopulation, the ageing of the population and decline in living standards. Despite the worsening economic and social situation of residents of the big and average cities of Bashkortostan, growth of protest moods among them it is not observed, and most of citizens as show data of sociological polls, keep loyalty to the government at the regional and federal level. The authors' point of view is that the type of the political culture of the habitants causes the loyalty. In the conclusion, the authors show the perspective of the cities, the contradiction in state policy that initiates the civic engagement on the one hand but demands on the political loyalty on the other hand.


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution examines the way in which the guerrilla origins of the Cuban Revolution have shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned it since 1959. It argues that these beliefs and values comprise a political culture in which the figure of the guerrillero (guerrilla fighter) is revered and the past struggles are presented in the revolutionary historical narrative as both unfinished and guerrilla in their nature. Drawing on extensive analysis of official discourse across six decades, the book outlines a consistent, conscious promotion of a guerrilla ethos throughout the Revolution’s trajectory. On the one hand, it demonstrates how this promotion has contributed to garnering legitimacy for the decades-long political authority of former guerrilleros, even long after the end of the armed struggle that brought them to power. On the other hand, it reveals how, as part of the Revolution’s many mobilization drives since 1959, Cuban citizens have been encouraged to emulate the attributes embodied by guerrilleros heroicos such as Che Guevara and Antonio Maceo. Ultimately, the book proposes that it is this guerrilla discourse that holds the key to understanding not only the survival of the Revolution but also the longevity of its leadership.


Al-Farabi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-110
Author(s):  
Murat Nassimov ◽  

The process of modernization and democratization of Kazakhstan society demands the creation of advertising technologies that consequently promote the state’s strategic and tactical tasks and increase the level of political culture among the population thus contributing to the strengthening of social stability. Political advertising is a specific form of communication influencing the ideas of citizens concerning political subjects and objects. Society and political advertisement interconnection is considered in two different ways: on the one hand, advertisement stimulates the political development of a society; on the other hand, society develops advertisement technologies. Alongside this, it is a way of political communication with voters, target influence to learn easily during the election campaign. Political advertising shows the meaning of an exact political force platform, invites to support candidates, to form opinions about political force in people’s consciousness, to make psychological conditions to vote. The aim of the paper is complex research of the evolution of political advertisement in Kazakhstan and its peculiarities in the period of Presidential elections 2011, 2015.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Dyah Adriantini Sintha Dewi

The Ombudsman as an external oversight body for official performance, in Fikih Siyasah (constitutionality in Islam) is included in the supervision stipulated in legislation (al-musahabah al-qomariyah). Supervision is done so that public service delivery to the community is in accordance with the rights of the community. This is done because in carrying out its duties, officials are very likely to conduct mal administration, which is bad public services that cause harm to the community. The Ombudsman is an institution authorized to resolve the mal administration issue, in which one of its products is by issuing a recommendation. Although Law No. 37 of 2018 on the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia states that the recommendation is mandatory, theombudsman's recommendations have not been implemented. This is due to differences in point of view, ie on the one hand in the context of law enforcement, but on the other hand the implementation of the recommendation is considered as a means of opening the disgrace of officials. Recommendations are the last alternative of Ombudsman's efforts to resolve the mal administration case, given that a win-win solution is the goal, then mediation becomes the main effort. This is in accordance with the condition of the Muslim majority of Indonesian nation and prioritizes deliberation in resolving dispute. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the community and officials related to the implementation of the Ombudsman's recommendations in order to provide good public services for the community, which is the obligation of the government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 456-480
Author(s):  
R.B. Galeeva

Subject .This article discusses the need to bring into line with the future activities of specialists the content of their preparation, the formation of a system model of higher education, which takes into account today's and prospective requirements of the labor market. Objectives. The article aims to research the labor market in four regions of the Volga Federal District of the Russian Federation: the Republic of Tatarstan, Mari El Republic, Chuvash Republic, and the Ulyanovsk oblast, as well as discuss problems and prospects of interaction of universities with enterprises and organizations of these regions. Methods. For the study, I used the methods of logical and statistical analyses, and in-depth expert survey. Results. The article analyzes the state of regional labor markets, presents the results of the expert survey of labor market representatives and heads of the regional education system, and it defines possible ways of harmonizing the interaction of universities with the labor market. Conclusions. The article notes that although the number of employed with higher education is growing, at the same time there is a shortage of highly qualified personnel in certain professions, on the one hand, and unskilled workers, on the other. Also, the article says that the universities do not prepare the necessary for the regions specialists in a number of professions or they provide a set of competencies different from the requirements of the labor market, so it is necessary to form and develop effective directions of cooperation between educational institutions and employers.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. Sharman

Social scientists studying revolutions have increasingly argued that explanations of revolutions that do not include subjective factors, such as culture, are inadequate. The failure to explain the anti-Communist revolutions of 1989 is forceful testimony to this inadequacy. But the way in which cultural aspects are being added to existing approaches tends to undermine past advances in studying revolutions. Recent historiography of the French Revolution provides an example of a more thorough-going approach to political culture. A productive synthesis that both preserves past advances and better explains the revolutions of 1989 is achieved by analyzing the effects of cultural change on state elites.


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