scholarly journals Confessional conflicts of the Reformation era as a factor of formation of the English people

Author(s):  
М.М. Горелов

Статья посвящена анализу дискуссий в британской историографии по проблемам Реформации и её воздействию на английское общество. Данная проблематика рассматривается в контексте различных методологических подходов, актуальных в разное время и в разных направлениях исторической науки. Это позволяет исследовать английскую Реформацию с самых разных ракурсов, от политического до культурно-антропологического, что помогает создать её комплексную картину. The article analyses the debates of the British historians of the second half of XX century on the problems of Reformation and its effects on the English society. These problems are viewed in the context of various research methods, from the political ones till cultural anthropology. It gives a complex picture of English Reformation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-354
Author(s):  
Zach Bates

Due to its status as a territory under the joint rule of Egypt and Britain, the Sudan occupied an awkward place in the British Empire. Because of this, it has not received much attention from scholars. In theory, it was not a colony, but, in practice, the Sudan was ruled primarily by British administrators and was the site of several developmental schemes, most of which concerned cotton-growing and harnessing the waters of the Nile. It was also the site of popular literature, travelogues and the most well-known of Alexander Korda's empire films. This article focuses on five British films –  Cotton Growing in the Sudan (c.1925), Stark Nature (1930), Stampede (1930), The Four Feathers (1939) and They Planted a Stone (1953) – that take the Sudan as their subject. It argues that each of these films shows an evolving and related discourse of the region that embraced several motifs: cooperation as the foundation of the relationship between the Sudanese and the British; Sudanese peoples in conflict with a sometimes hostile landscape and environment that the British could ‘tame’; and the British being in the Sudan in order to improve it and its people before leaving them to self-government. However, some of the films, especially The Four Feathers, subtly questioned and subverted the British presence in the Sudan and engaged with a number of the political questions not overtly mentioned in documentaries. The article, therefore, argues for a nuanced and complex picture of representations of the Sudan in British film from 1925 to 1953.


Author(s):  
Tom Scott

Renewed interest in Swiss history has sought to overcome the old stereotypes of peasant liberty and republican exceptionalism. The heroic age of the Confederation in the fifteenth century is now seen as a turning point as the Swiss polity achieved a measure of institutional consolidation and stability, and began to mark out clear frontiers. This book questions both assumptions. It argues that the administration of the common lordships by the cantons collectively gave rise to as much discord as cooperation, and remained a pragmatic device not a political principle. It argues that the Swiss War of 1499 was an avoidable catastrophe, from which developed a modus vivendi between the Swiss and the Empire as the Rhine became a buffer zone, not a boundary. It then investigates the background to Bern’s conquest of the Vaud in 1536, under the guise of relieving Geneva from beleaguerment, to suggest that Bern’s actions were driven not by predeterminate territorial expansion but by the need to halt French designs upon Geneva and Savoy. The geopolitical balance of the Confederation was fundamentally altered by Bern’s acquisition of the Vaud and adjacent lands. Nevertheless, the political fabric of the Confederation, which had been tested to the brink during the Reformation, proved itself flexible enough to absorb such a major reorientation, not least because what held the Confederation together was not so much institutions as a sense of common identity and mutual obligation forged during the Burgundian Wars of the 1470s.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862110551
Author(s):  
Tom Brass

Examined here are claims made in a recent edited volume to provide Marxism with a template for research methods. Downplayed or missing, however, are crucial issues necessary to the realization of this project, including who or what is to be considered Marxist, earlier methodological contributions and prefiguring debate, together with the political ends to which such research is geared. These problems in turn can be traced to misunderstandings of or difficulties with Marxist theory and its key concepts, among them class, the industrial reserve, and unfree labour. In light of the shortcomings, the conclusion is that a Marxist guide to fieldwork methods has yet to be written.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal

In this short review, I have tried to sketch an overview of historical development of political anthropology and its recent trends. I was enthused to prepare this review article as there does not exist any of such simplified introduction of one of the prominent sub-fields in cultural anthropology for the Nepalis readers, in particular. I believe this particular sub-field has to offer much to understand and explain the recent trends and current turmoil of the political transition in the country. Political anthropologists than any other could better explain how the politics is socially and culturally embedded and intertwined, therefore, separation of the two – politics from social and cultural processes – is not only impossible but methodologically wrong, too. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v5i0.6365 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 5, 2011: 217-34


Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.


GANEC SWARA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
NI LUH ARININGSIH SARI ◽  
I WAYAN SUWANDA

   The political development of agrarian law in Indonesia is inseparable from the policies of the ruling government in each period of government. The period of development can be divided into 4 {four} periods, namely the colonial period, the Soekarno administration, the Soeharto era and the Reformation period. After the reformation, several presidential changes, namely Habibie, Gusdur, Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudoyono, policies on the regulation of natural resources and resources are not clearly seen as the implementation of TAP MPR No. IX / 2001. Discourse related to changes in diagrammatic arrangements has been discussed but not implemented optimally. At present the Indonesian government is being led by President Joko Widodo trying to implement changes to the political law of diagramming in Indonesia


2021 ◽  
pp. 436-457
Author(s):  
Petr Kratochvíl

This chapter explores the complex relationship between the Catholic Church and Europe over many centuries. It argues that the Catholic Church and Europe played a mutually constitutive role in the early Middle Ages and one would not be conceivable without the other. However, the Church gradually disassociated itself from Europe and vice versa. Since the Reformation, but even more strongly in the last two centuries, the Church’s attitude to Europe has become markedly more ambivalent, due to the rise of the European state, the hostile attitude of the Church to modern European social and political thought, Europe’s ongoing secularization, and the increasingly global nature of the Catholic Church. While the tension between the Church and Europe persists, the process of European unification marked a watershed in the Church’s relationship to Europe, given that integration is a key area in which the Church strongly supports the political developments of the continent.


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