scholarly journals PARADOXES OF REGRESSIVE MODERNIZATION AND EXPORT OF RUSSIAN INSTITUTIONS

Federalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 61-71
Author(s):  
P. A. Orekhovsky

In Russia, the topic of modernization continues to be relevant. The government, the parliament, the opposition, and the scientific community regard it as an urgent task. The process of economic growth, which began in the 00s, is viewed as recovery after the USSR catastrophe, and the modernization project is associated with the construction of the Russian analogue of the Western “welfare society”, in many ways resembling old dreams of “socialism with a human face”. But there are various options for modernization. In the 1980-s S. Hall proposed the concept of regressive modernization for characterize the policy of the government of M. Thatcher. This concept allows a much better understanding of the history of the 1990s and the current economic policy in Russia. The specific paradox of regressive modernization is that the Russian center-right government conducts elements of neoliberal politics in combination with state paternalism and even populism. Elements of social archaics, such as clericalism and national autonomy, which enjoy separate legal regimes within the Federation, remind us of a flexible imperial political system. The export of traditionalism and paternalism, which at the same time look like a modern institutional design, is the basis of Russian “soft power”. This creates opportunities for increasing profitable trade and economic cooperation with countries of both left orientation and preserving autocratic, right-wing conservative political regimes.

2019 ◽  

The Bundestag election was a choice between polarisation and insistence. The parties in the grand coalition had to accept massive losses of votes. Nevertheless, the black-red government under Angela Merkel remained in power. The AfD was the first right-wing populist party to enter the Bundestag. Based on data collected within the framework of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), the most comprehensive research project to date on German elections, this volume offers a comprehensive analysis of the Bundestag elections. It follows on from the two studies on the 2009 and 2013 Bundestag elections and updates the longstanding electoral history of the Federal Republic of Germany from the perspective of empirical electoral research. Written in a scientifically based and understandable manner, the volume analyses the development of politics and public opinion since the Bundestag elections in 2013. It discusses election campaigns, election results and voter behaviour in detail as well as the formation of the government in 2017, which, at that time, had lasted longer than ever before.


Intersections ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ákos Kopper ◽  
Pál Susánszky ◽  
Gergely Tóth ◽  
Márton Gerő

In recent years, many theoretical and empirical analyses about the changing regimes of Central and Eastern Europe have been written, pointing out the authoritarian tendencies and radicalization in the region. Hungary is a significant case in the changing landscape of Central and Eastern Europe. The right-wing government rules the country with incontestable force, despising and disrespecting the norms of liberal democracies. Although the general impression is that the government has such a strong grip on power that resisting it is futile, in fact, it only enjoys only the support of 30 per cent of Hungarian citizens. Thus, it would be reasonable to expect the opposition to be able to effectively mobilize against the regime. In reality, no political opponent seems to stand a chance of defeating it. In order to explain why this is so, we focus on the way Orbán constantly creates images of ‘the enemy’ that keep alive an atmosphere of vigilance that blocks the efforts of critical actors to efficiently mobilize citizens. Since the political system in Hungary is highly centralized, the prime-minister’s speeches epitomize the logic and ideology of the regime. Our aim is to understand the mechanism through which the dominant political actors frame the enemy in a system of images, thereby creating an environment where critical actors are stripped of the resources needed to mobilize against them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Imamatul Azizah ◽  
Riska Syafitri ◽  
Supriyanto Supriyanto ◽  
Syarifuddin Syarifuddin

This study discusses the government structure of Palembang during the Japanese occupation in 1942-1945, especially regarding the Syu government. The research method used is historical or historical research methods. The purpose of this research is to increase knowledge and dig deeper into the history of Palembang City and also to highlight the historical traces of the Palembang regional political system during the reign of Japan. This research is related to the Syu government system or called Residency. The results of this study are that before the Japanese came and colonized the archipelago, the Palembang area had rules made by the Dutch and customary law then Japan arrived in Sumatra and issued a new law called Seirei (Osamu Seirei), this rule book discusses military government, which levels consist of Syuugun (residence), Bansyuu (sub-residence), Gun (district), and Son (sub-district), the unique thing is that even though it seems to have changed, in fact, the constitutional structure is the same as the previous system but only changes in terms. Penelitian ini membahas tentang struktur pemerintahan Palembang pada masa pendudukan Jepang tahun 1942-1945 khususnya mengenai pemerintahan Syu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian sejarah atau historis. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk menambah ilmu pengetahuan serta menggali lebih dalam mengenai sejarah di Kota Palembang juga mengangkat jejak historis dari sistem politik daerah Palembang saat berkuasanya Jepang. Penelitian ini terkait sistem pemerintahan Syu atau disebut Keresidenan. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah sebelum Jepang datang dan menjajah wilayah nusantara, daerah Palembang telah terdapat aturan yang dibuat Belanda serta hukum adat kemudian Jepang tiba di Sumatera dan mengeluarkan sebuah Undang-undang baru bernama Seirei (Osamu Seirei), kitab aturan ini membahas tentang pemerintahan militer, yang mana tingkatannya terdiri atas Syuugun (Karesidenan), Bansyuu (sub karesidenan), Gun (distrik), dan Son (subdistrik), uniknya walaupun terkesan berubah tetapi sebenarnya susunan ketatanegaraan ini sama dengan sistem sebelumnya namun hanya mengalami pergantian istilah.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
Mihaela Nicoară

Abstract Through the socio-economic generated implications, unemployment is a very complex social phenomenon. The economic reality showed there is no single solution for unemployment. There are no pure and perfect solutions, only integrated programs in the anti-crisis political system. The phenomenon itself cannot be eliminated, it can only be addressed. Through the socio-economic generated implications, the unemployment is a very complex social phenomenon, being related with poverty. Unemployment induces a drastic decrease of the living standards. As a macroeconomic complex imbalance, it impacts all the compartments of the national economy. The economic history of our century reveals that unemployment has become a mass nature. The financial difficulties of the companies, inlet by covid-19 global crises, caused a mass disorder of all the economic activity, impacting the labour market and a concern of the government to find ideal solutions to increase employment.


Author(s):  
Liam Weeks

The presence of independents in the Irish political system is unusual from a comparative perspective. Sometimes seen as an idiosyncratic phenomenon, they are analysed in terms of their relation to the party system, and categorized in a manner similar to that applied to party families. Why independents do not form parties is analysed from an institutional and behavioural perspective, showing that there are a number of incentives for political entrepreneurs to remain as independents rather than transition to a new party. The nature of support for independents is assessed through a populist lens, considering if independents take the place of populist parties in the electoral marketplace. It is found that independents have more in common with left-wing progressives than right-wing nativists. The final section examines the role of independents in the government formation process, showing that the levels of stability and output are not as low as might be expected.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-238
Author(s):  
ADAM HOŁUB

Political radicalism as a threat to the reborn Republic of Poland. The interwar period in Poland was characterised by the occurrence of real threats to the internal security of the state, the source of which was radicalism and political extremism. It was both left-wing and right-wing radicalism. We should mention here communism supported by Bolshevik Russia, Ukrainian nationalism supported by unfavourable countries such as Germany or Czechoslovakia, and Polish right-wing radicals who sought to change the political system of the country but not to annihilate it. All these political trends may have contributed to the destabilization of the Second Republic, but reborn Poland managed to create an appropriate internal security system, which included the Political Police, and on the other hand, the Polish society, as the history of the Second Republic shows, was not seduced by the political extremes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 338-374
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Gerard

In de tweede helft van 1936 beleefde België een periode van politieke destabilisering. Dat was het gevolg van de verkiezingen van 24 mei die een nederlaag betekenden voor de katholieke partij en een overwinning voor Rex van Léon Degrelle, die dictatoriale ambities koesterde en steun vond bij Hitler en Mussolini. Ook het Vlaams Nationaal Verbond, dat eveneens in fascistische richting was geëvolueerd, en de communisten boekten winst. De socialisten waren nu de grootste partij, maar accepteerden een regering van nationale unie met katholieken en liberalen onder de technocraat Paul Van Zeeland. Die regering kwam onmiddellijk onder vuur te liggen van links en rechts en werd geconfronteerd met afvalligheid in eigen rangen. Het nationaalsocialisme in Duitsland, het linkse Volksfront in Frankrijk en de burgeroorlog in Spanje vormden het referentiekader voor een periode van sterke polarisatie en felle agitatie, waarin partijen en politici streefden naar een herschikking, een “concentratie” van politieke krachten. Rechtse politici probeerden de regering omver te werpen en een coalitie zonder socialisten (die zij beschouwden als cryptocommunisten) op de been te brengen. Sommige katholieken probeerden de politieke eendracht onder geloofsgenoten te herstellen door een vorm van samenwerking met Rex en VNV, en nog andere katholieken probeerden met de Vlaams-nationalisten in Vlaanderen een Vlaamse Concentratie tot stand te brengen. De bakens werden verzet toen Rex en VNV op 6 oktober een alliantie sloten en daarmee een krachtig oppositiefront vormden. Op 25 oktober verijdelde de regering-Van Zeeland een rexistische “mars op Brussel”. Om dit nieuwe front de wind uit de zeilen te halen probeerden de Vlaamse katholieken, die zich hergroepeerden in de Katholieke Vlaamse Volkspartij, alsnog samenwerking te realiseren met de Vlaams-nationalisten. Dat leidde op 8 december 1936 tot het akkoord KVV-VNV, dat evenwel meteen van beide kanten werd gedesavoueerd. De tegenstelling tussen aanhangers van de bestaande orde en van de nieuwe orde, tussen voorstanders en tegenstanders van de regering, was te groot. De christendemocratische strekking in de katholieke partij haalde de bovenhand toen de bisschoppen op het einde van 1936 in een publieke brief niet alleen het communisme, maar ook alle strevingen naar een rechtse dictatuur veroordeelden. De destabilisering van de Belgische politiek verdween pas na de nederlaag van Degrelle in zijn verkiezingsduel met premier Van Zeeland op 11 april 1937. De democratiekritiek die de beweging naar “concentratie” ondersteunde bleef echter voortleven.________The unsuccesful formatiob of a Flemish and right-wing front. The history of the 1936 concentrationBelgium experienced a period of political destabilization in the second half of 1936. That was the result of the 24 May elections, the defeat of the catholic party and the victory of Rex, a movement led by Léon Degrelle, who had dictatorial ambitions and would soon be supported by Hitler and Mussolini. The Flemish Nationalists (VNV), also oriented towards fascism, and the Communists had made progress too. The socialists, who ended up being the largest party, accepted a cabinet of national union with the Catholics and the liberals under the leadership of a technocrat, Paul Van Zeeland. The Van Zeeland cabinet immediately came under fire from left and right and was confronted with deserters in its own ranks. National Socialism in Germany, the Front populaire in France and the civil war in Spain formed the horizon for a period of strong polarization and agitation in which politicians and parties aimed at redesigning political forces, “concentration” being the keyword. Politicians from the right attempted to establish a cabinet without socialists whom they considered crypto communists. Catholics tried to restore political union among the faithful through forms of cooperation with Rex and VNV, and some among them tried to install a “Flemish Concentration” through collaboration with the Flemish Nationalists. A decisive fact occurred on 0ctober 6 when Rex and VNV formed an alliance creating a strong opposition front. On October 25 the government foiled a rexist mass rally in Brussels. To regain control Flemish Catholics, who regrouped in the Katholieke Vlaamse Volkspartij (KVV), attempted to realize a form of collaboration with the Flemish Nationalists. It resulted in the December 8 KVV-VNV agreement, which was, however, immediately denounced from both sides. The antagonism between supporters of the existing order and those of a new order, between the partisans of the government and its opponents, was too strong. The Christian democrats in the catholic party finally gained the upper hand when the Belgian bishops, at the end of December 1936, issued a pastoral letter not only condemning communism but also a dictatorship of the right. The destabilization of Belgian politics disappeared after the defeat of Degrelle in his electoral duel with Prime Minister Van Zeeland on April 11, 1937. However, the fundamental criticism of democracy underlying the “concentration” movement did not.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Masalha

In 1948 an official ‘Transfer Committee’ was appointed by the Israeli Cabinet to plan the Palestinian refugees' resettlement in the Arab states. Apart from doing everything possible to reduce the Arab population in Israel, the Transfer Committee sought to amplify and consolidate the demographic transformation of Palestine by: preventing the Palestinian refugees from returning to their homes; the destruction of Arab villages; settlement of Jews in Arab villages and towns; and launching a propaganda campaign to discourage Arab return. One of the Transfer Committee's initiatives was to invite Dr Joseph Schechtman, a right-wing Zionist Revisionist leader and expert on ‘population transfer’, to join its efforts. In 1952 Schechtman published a propagandists work entitled The Arab Refugee Problem. Since then Schechtman would become the single most influential propagator of the Zionist myth of ‘voluntary’ exodus in 1948. This article examines the leading role played by Schechtman in promoting Israeli propaganda and politics of denial. Relying on newly-discovered Israeli archival documents, the article deals with little known and new aspects of the secret history of the post-1948 period.


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