Divorce in Classical Athenian Society: Law, Practice and Power

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos F Norena

The practice of divorce in classical Athens sheds light on relationships which are fundamental to our understanding of Athenian society: between husband and wife, between separate households, and between household and state. The power which informs these relationships, as illuminated by divorce, can be measured not only in juridical terms, but in social and economic terms as well. The main primary sources for the study of divorce in classical Athens are the forensic speeches of the Attic orators. These speeches show that whereas it was easy, legally, to obtain a divorce, it was often complicated in actual practice. Divorce, in fact, was often avoided—even when the state intervened to mandate the dissolution of a marriage—and I argue that the practice of divorce, as opposed to the laws governing it, reveals an unexpected balance of power between the constituents to an Athenian marriage.

Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism


1980 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Perlstein Pollard

Systems of human settlement serve as primary sources of evidence for investigating variability in the evolution of complex societies. In particular, the existence of and nature of cities reveals much about the nature and direction of sociopolitical changes characteristic of prehistoric states. The present study places the analysis of prehistoric urbanism within the context of settlement system analyses and applies this approach to the protohistoric Tarascan state of western Mexico. This first synthesis of our knowledge of major Tarascan settlements evaluates the protohistoric communities at Tzintzuntzan, Ihuatzio, Pátzcuaro, and Erongarícuaro (within the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin) and considers those outside the Tarascan core, especially Zacapu. This study suggests that the Tarascan state did not participate in the Central Mexican urban tradition, and that the historic capital, Tzintzuntzan, may have been unique in its urban status. Rather, the state was characterized by a complex and overlapping network of central places and specialized places. To the extent that this pattern diverges from other prehistoric systems it constitutes one source for understanding the diversity in the protohistoric Mesoamerican world.


Yuridika ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 663
Author(s):  
Iwan Satriawan ◽  
Devi Seviyana

The research aims to analyze the power and limit of the state and whether Indonesia has properly adopted the concept of powers and limits during state emergency of COVID-19 pandemic. The method of the research was normative legal research which used statute and case approach were employed for data analysis. The result shows that a state may apply some types of power in an emergency condition. However, in using its powers, the government must consider principle of limits in a state of emergency. In fact, Indonesia does not properly adopt the balance of power and limit in the state of emergency during COVID-19 pandemic. It is true that the government may take actions to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the State cannot exceed the limitations of using powers in accordance with state emergency principle. There was a tendency to exceed the limits by the State during the pandemic. The State has violated some state of emergency principles during COVID-19 pandemic such as temporary, the rule of law, necessity, proportionally, intangibility, constitutionalism, harmony, and supervision. The research recommends that the Government and the House of Representatives (the DPR) in the future should obey the state of emergency principles, particularly in terms of state power limits to respect constitutional principles and rule of law. In addition, individuals, groups of people, or organizations may submit judicial review of laws or regulations that violate the state of emergency principles in handling pandemic in the light of protecting the fundamental rights of citizens.


Author(s):  
Laura Giraudo ◽  
Juan Martín Sánchez

This article presents the main objectives and outcomes of the Interindi research project: “El indigenismo interamericano: instituciones, redes y proyectos para un continente, 1940-1960”. Its most ambitious research objective is to provide a methodological, theoretical and empirical contribution to scientific discussion on indigenismo. After discussing the state of the art in this field, advances are offered for a new broader perspective based on two fundamental aspects: 1) the importance of consulting primary sources to explain indigenismo, and 2) the need to remove the discussion of the indigenous question and indigenismo from the auto-referential context in which it has developed.Key WordsIndigenismo, professional field, inter-American networks.ResumenEste artículo presenta los objetivos y resultados principales del proyecto de investigación Interindi: “El indigenismo interamericano: instituciones, redes y proyectos para un continente, 1940-1960”. El objetivo más ambicioso de la investigación es conseguir una contribución metodológica, teórica y empírica a la discusión científica acerca del indigenismo. Tras discutir el estado de la cuestión, se introducen los avances de una nueva perspectiva general que radica en dos aspectos fundamentales: 1) la importancia de acudir al estudio de las fuentes para explicar el indigenismo y 2) la necesidad de sacar la discusión sobre la cuestión indígena y el indigenismo del contexto autorreferencial en que se ha desarrollado.Palabras claveIndigenismo, campo profesional, redes interamericanas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 549-559
Author(s):  
Olga A. Tuminskaya

The relevance of the article is indicated by referring to archival primary sources that characterize the forms and methods of scientific and artistic educational activities of the State Russian Museum in the 1940s, in particular — during the Great Patriotic War (a museum tour, an exhibition session, a lecture, a conversation with slides). This makes it possible to more accurately identify the direction of work in the following years and at the present time and indicate the need to introduce other forms of work with visitors: lectures with slides, traveling exhibitions, concerts, cycle subscriptions, trips to villages and enterprises, lectures on the radio, cooperation with the museum’s publishing house and the country’s press bodies.The influence of the Department of Scientific and Artistic Propaganda of the 1940s on the State Russian Museum’s subsequent work on communication with the audience is expressed in the revision of the content of the excursion and lecture courses. In the 1950s—1970s, messages on the heroic past of the Soviet people, presentations of the activities of warrior artists, and communication with national unions of artists gained particular popularity. The State Russian Museum became a center for advanced training of tour guides for peripheral art museums.Documentary sources, which include archive materials, are of particular importance in the preservation of memory. Together with them, works of art created during the war or in the first post-war years play an invaluable role in restoring the truth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 370-407
Author(s):  
Dina Boero ◽  
Charles Kuper

A large dossier of primary sources survives for Symeon the Stylite the Younger from Late Antiquity. These sources include not only hagiographical evidence, but also archaeological remains from his cult site, homilies, and at least one letter. They offer insight into the varied voices which shaped Symeon’s identity, sanctity, and ministry in the sixth and early seventh centuries CE. The state of scholarship on these sources is uneven, however, with the result that scholars have primarily studied the saint and his cult through the lens of the hagiographic material, the Life of Symeon Stylites the Younger in particular. In order to lay the foundation for a full inquiry into the saint and his cult, this article disentangles the dossier of evidence on Symeon in Late Antiquity. It introduces each source in chronological order; provides an overview of authorship, date, and the state of scholarship for each source; and makes preliminary recommendations for paths forward. It is meant to be a guide for art historians and archaeologists unfamiliar with the sizeable literary corpus, textual scholars who do not often work with material sources, and, for both groups, an introduction to problems in the dossier. It encourages scholars to treat each source on its own terms and re-evaluate the rich interconnections between the textual and archaeological evidence.


Author(s):  
Paul Stock

Chapter 6 discusses late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century geography books’ sustained focus on the political states of Europe. The books present states both as organic communities with multi-faceted jurisdictions, and as increasingly centralized governmental authorities. They usually specify that monarchy is the definitive form of European government, and that European states share a propensity for ‘liberty’, broadly defined as respect for law and property, and the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. Some geographical texts talk about ‘nations’, but ideas about European polities remain reliant on established notions of governmental structures.


2019 ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the idea and importance of constitutions. A constitution is essentially a rulebook for how a state is run, and its function is to impose order and stability; to allocate power, rights, and responsibility and control the power of the state. Indeed, a state's constitution sets out the structure and powers of government and the relationship between individuals and the state, and a balanced constitution ensures a balance of power between the institutions of government. New constitutions can arise either through a process of evolution or as an act of deliberate creation. The chapter then considers the UK constitution. Public law is a fundamentally important part of the UK's national law and is the law about government and public administration. It places limitations on the power of the state through objective, independent controls. It is also known as ‘constitutional and administrative law’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 412-434
Author(s):  
Brian Stanley

Surveys of the historical relationship between Christianity and other faiths often suggest that through a process of theological enlightenment the churches have moved from crusade to cooperation and from diatribe to dialogue. This trajectory is most marked in studies of Christian-Muslim relations, overshadowed as they are by the legacy of the Crusades. Hugh Goddard’sA History of Christian-Muslim Relationsproceeds from a focus on the frequently confrontational inter-communal relations of earlier periods to attempts by Western theologians over the last two centuries to define a more irenic stance towards Islam.1 For liberal-minded Western Christians this is an attractive thesis: who would not wish to assert that we have left bigotry and antagonism behind, and moved on to stances of mutual respect and tolerance? However laudable the concern to promote harmonious intercommunal relations today, dangers arise from trawling the oceans of history in order to catch in our nets only those episodes that will be most morally edifying for the present. What Herbert Butterfield famously labelled ‘the Whig interpretation of history’ is not irrelevant to the history of interreligious relations. In this essay I shall use the experience of Christian communities in twentieth-century Egypt and Indonesia to argue that the determinative influences on Christian-Muslim relations in the modern world have not been the progressive liberalization of stances among academic theologians but rather the changing views taken by governments in Muslim majority states towards both their majority and minority religious communities. Questions of the balance of power, and of the territorial integrity of the state, have affected Christian Muslim relations more deeply than questions of religious truth and concerns for interreligious dialogue.


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