scholarly journals Poverty and International Relations Theory

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 23-33
Author(s):  
Laura Kelly

World Poverty. Why has this problem persisted through years of unprecedented economic growth throughout most of the world? This paper proposes that the problem is theoretical. The main theories, such as Realism and Modernization rely on fundamental assumptions such as international order through the maintenance of state power, or free market ideology, which serve to exacerbate, rather than solve, the problem of poverty. The result is either the misrepresentation of poverty, or the blatant ignorance of its existence by these dominant theories.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


Author(s):  
Eiiti Sato

Since the exchange of goods, services, and capital became a worldwide system some nations have succeeded becoming wealthy and prosperous while many others have failed remaining in poverty. Over the last three decades the dynamism of the increasing integrated world economy became an essential part of the process of economic growth, and as a consequence growth has been meager in countries like Brazil whose authorities have remained systematically hesitant to integrate the domestic markets into the world economy, staying apart from the main flows of trade and capital. The article discusses also why economic development studies has moved from the field of Economy to the field of International Relations forming the area of International Political Economy studies which is mainly driven to understand the trends and changes in the relationship between the state institutions and the market forces in the national and international levels. The essay concludes that to any country the process of integrating into the world economy means exploring and improving national potentialities rather than abandoning national identity and interests. 


Author(s):  
Steve Smith

This text argues that theory is central to explaining International Relations (IR) and that the discipline of IR is much more relevant to the world of international relations than it has been at any point in its history. Some chapters cover distinct IR theories ranging from realism/structural realism to liberalism/neoliberalism, the English school, constructivism, Marxism, critical theory, feminism, poststructuralism, green theory, and postcolonialism. Oher chapters explore International Relations theory and its relationship to social science, normative theory, globalization, and the discipline’s identity. This introduction explains why this edition has chosen to cover these theories, reflects on international theory and its relationship to the world, and considers the kind of assumptions about theory that underlie each of the approaches.


Author(s):  
Hugh Dyer

Changes in the environment can impact international relations theory, despite enjoying only a limited amount of attention from scholars of the discipline. The sorts of influence that may be identified include ontology, epistemology, concepts, and methods, all of these being related to varying perspectives on international relations. It is likely that the most profound implications arise at the ontological level, since this establishes assumptions about, for example, whether the world we wish to understand is both political and ecological. However, more recently the recognition of the practical challenge presented by the environment has become widespread, though it has not yet translated into a significant impact on the discipline of international relations, even when theoretical implications are noted. It is now almost obligatory to include the environment in any list of modern international relations concerns, as over time it has become necessary to include peace, underdevelopment, gender, or race, as they quite rightly became recognized as significant aspects of the field. Moreover, the environment, as a relatively novel subject matter, has naturally brought some critique and innovation to the field. However, studies of the environment are also subject to such descriptors as “mainstream” and “radical” in debates about how best to tackle the subject. As is often the case, the debates are sharpest among those with the greatest interest in the subject.


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Shleifer

Between 1980 and 2005, as the world embraced free market policies, living standards rose sharply, while life expectancy, educational attainment, and democracy improved and absolute poverty declined. Is this a coincidence? A collection of essays edited by Balcerowicz and Fischer argues that indeed reliance on free market forces is key to economic growth. A book by Stiglitz and others disagrees. I review and compare the two arguments.


Author(s):  
Abd al-Fattah M. El-Awaisi

In the last ten years, the world has witnessed much debate on new forms of the global phenomena of fundamentalism and extremism. It is clear that many view Muslims as “the other” or outsider and vice-versa; an attitude of “us and them”, “our community and their community”. The concept of a ‘clash of civilisations’ has become part of our everyday vocabulary. The objective of this article is namely to develop the theory of Aman (peaceful co-existence and mutual respect) as a Muslim contribution to normative considerations in international relations theory. It is found that the main four components of this theory are: the methodology of Tadafu’ (counteraction), the concept of Adil (justice), the principle of not excluding others, and the constructive argumentation methodology. The theory has been tested and implemented by examining, in particular, Umar Assurance of Aman and the negotiations between Salah al-Din and King Richard I ‘the Lionheart’ of England over Islamicjerusalem in 1191. It is hoped that this theory could help place Muslim contributions in the epitome of global discourse of international relations theory, set the scene to advance the current research on the Muslim contributions to international relations theory including peace study and conflict resolution, and open up and promote intellectual and academic debate and understanding of this Muslim contributions to shed light on new lines of explanation. Although Islamicjerusalem is the most delicate issue of dispute between the current two conflicting parties, it is hoped that this theory will provide a better understanding for the world leaders who are trying to return peace to the region.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 760-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Newman ◽  
Gëzim Visoka

AbstractThis article explores the European Union’s (EU) practices of international state recognition in a transitional international order. It illustrates the difficulties that the EU has encountered in attempting to reach a collective position on sensitive cases of recognition – through a complex balance of internal and external considerations – at a time when the norms regarding recognition are increasingly under challenge. Whether the organisation takes a collective European position on recognition or allows its members to adopt individual national positions, acute inconsistencies and tensions have been exposed, with implications for the EU’s standing in the world. Through this, the article identifies a key tension between the EU’s normative commitments and its geopolitical interests. In conclusion, the article argues that while a uniform EU policy on recognition may not be feasible and case-by-case pragmatism will likely continue, a more coherent approach and greater understanding of the impact of the EU’s position on recognition are necessary. The article draws upon interview material and extensive analysis of official EU documentation in order to provide new insights into this complex challenge. By exploring the intricacies of recognition politics, the article also makes an empirical contribution to understanding the practice of international relations in this area.


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