scholarly journals ELECTORAL SYSTEMS – A SPECIAL REVIEW OF THE LOCAL-SELF GOVERNMENT IN SERBIA

Author(s):  
Mile Ilić ◽  
Milan Jovanović ◽  
Аleksandra Ilić Petković

The electoral system is part of the broader election law, which also includes an electoral form, constituencies, electoral competition, voting, methods of converting votes into mandates, as well as election threshold. Most often, the choice of the model by which the members of the representative bodies will be elected has a major effect on the entire political system of the state.Regarding the electoral form, the electoral systems at both the national and local level are divided into majority and proportional ones, but there is also a large number of "mixed" electoral systems. When it comes to the Republic of Serbia, as well as many other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the initial dominance of the majority electoral system in almost all the countries in the 1990s was gradually replaced by a proportional electoral system.Local self-government represents a democratic framework for citizen participation in managing the affairs of their immediate interest,where citizens, directly and by secret ballot, elect the municipal assembly members, as the highest representative body of the municipality. In the case of local self-government, the D'Hondt election method and the 5% threshold are applied.When it comes to the electoral systems and the parties of national minorities, the laws of the Republic of Serbia provide significant measures for the participation of this type of political organization in the distribution of mandates, subject to special conditions, even when they receive less than 5% of the total number of votes.

Author(s):  
Oleksii Piddubnyi ◽  
Viktoriia Oleksiuk

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the creation and functioning of a united territorial community in Ukraine and foreign countries. It is determined that the reform process in Ukraine at the legislative level is quite fast, but implementation is lagging behind in some places. It is determined that the European Union has a certain influence on the implementation of transformations in Ukraine. In addition, they are all aimed at ensuring the proper depth and pace of decentralization. At the local level, however, there is growing dissatisfaction with the chaos in decentralization and frustration with the lack of promised positive results, although decentralization has been going on for more than seven years. It is emphasized that in order to prepare the infrastructure, to achieve a real decentralization of power, which is now so much talked about in Ukraine, the neighboring state (which, incidentally, is often equated with Ukraine) Poland, worked long: it took only ten years to develop only decentralization plan. In the countries of "old" Europe, for example in Germany, the reform of local self-government (as a rule, took place within the framework of the reform of the administrative-territorial system) began in the 1960s and in some places continues to this day. However, there are states, of course, that have had several months or weeks to implement decentralization projects. It is concluded that if we compare the time limits of the formation of UTC in Ukraine and other countries, it is likely that the experience of the Republic of Poland, was used by Ukraine to some extent. Despite the fact that in Ukraine the process of UTC formation is essentially completed, the first elections were held in almost all of them. However, the ability of such UTCs to perform the role and functions defined by Ukrainian law remains unresolved. And in this case, the experience of Latvia, in the form of subsidies from the state budget - would be very appropriate for use in such decentralization processes.


Author(s):  
Adam Ziegfeld

Throughout its history, India has employed first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral rules for nearly all of its legislative elections. Though India uses a relatively common set of electoral rules, three features of India’s FPTP electoral system stand out. First, India’s election constituencies exhibit persistent malapportionment, even after a recent redrawing of constituency boundaries. Second, India mandates representation for historically disadvantaged ethnic groups—and, more recently, women at the local level—by setting aside, or “reserving,” seats in which only members of certain groups may compete for office. Third, political parties often form pre-election alliances in which multiple parties agree not to field candidates against one another. As a result of frequent pre-election alliances, India’s party system exhibits a number of characteristics rarely found in countries using FPTP rules.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Jacky Yaakov Zvulun

Voter turnout in local and general elections is a key element in measuring citizen participation. From 2004, New Zealand local elections were unique in that local councils had the choice of two different electoral systems: plurality majority and proportional representation. We have here the opportunity to study more about New Zealand local elections and changes in electoral systems. This article analyses the impact of the "Single Transferable Vote” electoral system in those councils that adopted it, comparing it to those councils which used "First Past the Post". This article explains how the STV electoral system has not increased voter turnout and was not the cause of low voter turnout in the 2004-2007 local elections. It might, however, offer voters a better way to choose their preferences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-24
Author(s):  
Marina Popescu ◽  
Mihail Chiru

Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.


Author(s):  
Daria Kozlova

This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.


Author(s):  
David Lublin ◽  
Shaun Bowler

Every democratic process short of unanimity produces opinion minorities. Political divisions along anchored demographic characteristics like language, religion, race, or ethnicity challenge pluralist models of governance by threatening to entrench the exclusion of minority groups from political power. Especially when attuned to ethnic geography, electoral engineering through manipulation of the electoral system and other rules governing the electoral process, such as boundary delimitation, reserved seats, ballot-access requirements, and ethnic party bans, can help promote either inclusion or exclusion of minorities. Ensuring long-term interethnic peace has proved more difficult. Scholars continue to grapple with how to ensure minority inclusion without freezing existing divisions.


Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 312
Author(s):  
Marijana Sinđić ◽  
Draženka Mačak ◽  
Nikola Todorović ◽  
Bianka Purda ◽  
Maja Batez

Integrated neuromuscular training (INT) showed benefits for improving fundamental movement skills (FMS). However, the INT health-related fitness (HRF) effects are lacking. The current study aimed to determine the effects of INT implemented during physical education (PE) in a primary school in the Republic of Serbia on HRF in female children. The sample consisted of 72 healthy girls who were divided into the intervention (EG: n = 37; mean ± SD: age = 8.17 ± 0.31) and control (CG: n = 35; age = 8.11 ± 0.31) groups. The EG and CG performed the INT program and traditional PE activities two times per week within the first ~15 min of PE class, respectively. The Fitnessgram battery tests assessed the HRF (body composition, cardiorespiratory endurance, muscular fitness, and flexibility) before and after the program. After eight weeks, the EG significantly reduced all fat measures, while the CG decreased only triceps skinfold but to a smaller extent (F = 5.92, p < 0.02, ŋ2 = 0.09). Both groups significantly improved the performance of almost all muscular fitness tests (curl-ups, trunk lift, push-ups); however, the EG increased the push-ups more than the CG (F = 9.01, p < 0.01, ŋ2 = 0.14). The EG additionally improved the modified pull-ups (F = 14.09, p < 0.01, ŋ2 = 0.19) and flexed arm hang (F = 28.82, p < 0.01, ŋ2 = 0.33) tests. The flexibility and cardiorespiratory endurance of both groups did not significantly change after eight weeks. This approach of exercise showed positive acceptance and relatively good results after only eight weeks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
R Peiró Pérez ◽  
E Pérez Sanz ◽  
E Legaz Sanchez ◽  
J Quiles Izquierdo ◽  
Grupo XarxaSalut

Abstract “XarxaSalut” started in 2017, with the municipalities that have taken the commitment to boost the Promotion of Health (HP) at the local level through community participation, intersectorality and equity perspective. The objective is to present a policy process evaluation (2'5 years) of the implementation of XarxaSalut. Different approaches have been used; a questionnaire addressed to the municipalities at the time of adhesion including data on intersectorality, participation, HP actions and open questions; description of instruments that Regional Public Health Authorities (RPHA) has mobilized and an analysis of barriers and strengths made by the coordination office. In 2017, 17 municipalities were joined, being 197 in February 2020 (70% of the population). 65% are in a process of an organizational change through the intersectoral, decision making and participative working group. 35% are doing analysis of determinants and /or health situation, assets maps and a prioritization of HP actions. The main barriers identified by municipalities are lack of economic and personal resources, and difficulties in achieve citizen participation. The main benefits were the optimization of resources, the exchange of experiences, training, or economic support from the RPHA. Some support instruments develop for RPHA are a collection of guides for community development, funds that the municipalities can apply to support actions related with training, HP action on vulnerable population, on asset maps, participation processes, vulnerable neighborhoods, etc.; Community actions have been included in the “Health Observatory” to give visibility and social support to XarxaSalut. Interdisciplinary training processes with health and municipal professionals have been made in order to develop a common language and strength the competences for HP. Lesson learned: The need to improve coordination and a common language between different types of participants and professionals Key messages The decision makers and professionals in the municipalities understand the impact in health of the policies developed at local level but needs guide and support to deal with it. The coordination between different administrations and primary health at local level and the misunderstandings about health and their determinants are the main aspect to reinforce.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer ◽  
Matthew Stenberg

Abstract Aspiring dominant-party regimes often institute major institutional and political reforms at the national level to ensure they retain control. However, subnational politics is an important, under-studied, component of regime consolidation. This study uses mayoral races in Hungary and Poland from 2006 to 2018 to examine two factors that may inhibit dominant-party regime consolidation in local politics: the use of two-round, i.e. runoff, electoral systems and strategic coordination among opposition parties. While we find little evidence that strategic coordination can lead to widespread opposition success in single-round systems, we do find that increasing the number of candidates decreases the likelihood of the nationally dominant party winning in the first round while not affecting the second round. As such, two-round mayoral elections may be an important buffer to dominant-party regime consolidation and may provide a training ground for the future opposition.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document