scholarly journals HEAD OF FRANCO STATE: FROM THE "SOVEREIGN" DICTATOR TO THE "INSTITUTIONALIZED" RULER

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-505
Author(s):  
Tatiana A Alexeeva

The article is devoted to the development of the institute of the head of state in Spain in 1939-1975. The importance of the analysis is determined by the increased role of the heads of state in domestic and international affairs and the popularity of the term. The Spanish experience seems to be useful for research of this phenomenon. Franco's main post was named "head of state" (Jefe del Estado) legally, and the officially recognized institution with the same name (Jefatura del Estado) formalized his status. In comparison with the "head of state" in the doctrine of Constant, he did not function in the system of separation of powers, but named a ruler with a personal absolute lifelong power. The legal term "head of state" became a synonym for the political term "dictator". Franco’s experience demonstrated the non-democratic nature of the institute of head of state. It was also emphasized by the title "caudillo", indicating its leadership and its mission to restore the former "greatness" of Spain. Franco’s government was to be characterized by the features of "sovereign dictatorship", described by C. Schmitt. By analyzing features of the institution of the post, formation of the same institute and their development, the author notices the potential of the institute of head of state during Franco's authoritarian regime. Two periods are distinguished in the history of the institute. During the first, after the Civil War (1939) and before the adoption of the law "On Succession" (1947), Franco's constitutional activity was aimed to create a "new" nationalist state, struggling against internal and external enemies. Unlimited power in a militarized state became the basis for the domination of “decessionism”, and the state itself was identified with its head personally. In the course of the second period, 1947-1975, the constitutional power of the caudillo began the "institutionalization" of a "social and representative" state which was proclaimed as a monarchy again. Franco’s "fundamental" laws not only created a quasi-constitutional facade of the regime, but consolidated the head of state's self-limited powers and its status in the system of established state bodies, a mechanism to transfer his power to the future king. Spanish state was no longer identified with the head of state. He was declared a representative of the nation and ensured the unity of state power. Franco remained an extraordinary head of state till the end of his life. The mechanism he introduced "worked" after his death in Spain and created the opportunity for a transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one, from "institutionalization" to constitutionalism.

2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782092228
Author(s):  
Aaron McKeil

International relations today are widely considered to be experiencing deepening disorder and the topic of international disorder is gaining increased attention. Yet, despite this recent interest in international disorder, in and beyond the academy, and despite the decades-long interest in international order, there is still little agreement on the concept of international disorder, which is often used imprecisely and with an alarmist rather than analytical usage. This is a problem if international disorder is to be understood in theory, towards addressing its concomitant problems and effects in practice. As such, this article identifies and explores two ways international order studies can benefit from a clearer and more precise conception of international disorder. First, it enables a more complete picture of how orderly international orders have been. Second, a greater understanding of the problem of international order is illuminated by a clearer grasp of the relation between order and disorder in world politics. The article advances these arguments in three steps. First, an analytical concept of international disorder is developed and proposed. Second, applying it to the modern history of international order, the extent to which there is a generative relationship between order and disorder in international systems is explored. Third, it specifies the deepening international disorder in international affairs today. It concludes by indicating a research agenda for International Relations and international order studies that takes the role of international disorder more seriously.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 151-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georges Chapouthier

The history of the neurochemistry of mnesic processes can be divided into two main periods: the first (1946-1978) was inspired by the results of molecular genetics, providing evidence for storage of hereditary information in the DNA of genes. Therefore, the chemical bases for memory were investigated in the macromolecules of the brain. Such attempts were relatively unsuccessful, which led to a second period (starting in 1978) with the research emphasizing, in a less ambitious way, the role of the molecular correlates of mnesic processes, in particular in the main transmitter systems of the brain.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
DUNCAN S. A. BELL

This essay surveys recent scholarly work on the political theory of empire and international relations in Britain during the long nineteenth century. It traces the dominant themes and arguments to be found, points to some interpretative and methodological weaknesses, and highlights a number of topics that remain to be explored in detail. I focus on the following: the relationship between liberalism and empire and, in particular, the role played by the idea of civilization in circumscribing liberal claims to universality; the nature and evolution of international law, and the key role that jurisprudential thought played in shaping conceptions of civilization and setting the bounds of legitimacy for imperialism; the vexed relationship between the history of imperial thought and cultural/political history; and the important, though frequently marginalized, role of the colonial empire in the Victorian imperial imagination. Finally, I suggest that areas that remain to be explored in depth include non-liberal visions of international affairs; the role of theology in shaping conceptions of global order; and the balance between the United States, Europe, and the various (and very different) elements of the empire.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANA M. RIBEIRO DE ANDRADE ◽  
R.P.A. MUNIZ

ABSTRACT Early efforts to bring particle accelerators into Brazil exemplify the interactions between advanced scientific countries and the periphery in the years 1948––1956 and between the history of science and the history of foreign affairs. The physicists Cesar Lattes, Ernest Lawrence, Herbert Anderson, Isidor Rabi, and Rear Admiral ÁÁlvaro Alberto played central roles in these efforts. The story brings out the role of the military and scientists acting within the Centro Brasileiro de Pesquisas Fíísicas and the Conselho Nacional de Pesquisas to promote nuclear physics research aimed at the development of nuclear technology in Brazil. The decision-making process involved science, politics, secret agreements, and international affairs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Charbati Youssef

This study analyzes democracy metaphors used in Mohammed VIs' speeches at the opening of the parliamentary session from 2003 until 2014. Mohammed VI has ruled Morocco since 1999. Many studies have uncovered the role of metaphors as influential devices used in politics. However, in the Moroccan context, studies related to metaphors and politics have received little attention so far. Politicians encounter challenges as they address their audience such as the need to convince them of their views, to gain the trust of their analysis and to give psychological realities to their abstract concepts. The Moroccan monarchy has ruled Morocco for centuries. More than three hundred and fifty years of monarchy rule has marked the history of Moroccan society. The monarchy was able to adapt to the sociopolitical changes that the Moroccan society has known. This rule was the work of multiple factors and strategies that the monarchy has followed. One of them is the use of metaphors as a communication strategy. The aim of this paper is to reveal the contribution of metaphors to the Moroccan political debate mainly by studying the king’s speeches addressed to the Moroccan nation. This research strives to uncover part of the Moroccan king’s strategy to win the hearts and minds of the moroccan people. This study provides an insight into the communication strategies used by the head of state of one of the third world regimes facing democracy transition and encountering political and economic challenges. They are based mainly on the use of the metaphor to interpret realities and design future roadmaps.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44
Author(s):  
Hikmatul Hasanah ◽  
Suprianik Suprianik

A woman has great potential, as well as a man, it can be seen from the various roles of woman needed in society, including: the role of reproduction, economic, social, political and Islamic leadership. However, in Islamic leadership, most women are only members of the management in social organizations, because they are deemed not have brave characteristics like men, except the social organization that all of the members are women. this is because women's interests are not accommodated in various political decisions. Education is the main factor that determines the activeness of women as administrators of political parties, obstacle experienced by women in political parties, including through a number of issues such as; education, employment, justice and gender equality, domestic roles, patriarchal culture, religion and family relationship. Woman, who has the competence to lead the country, could be heads of state in the modern society context, because the modern government system is not same with  monarchy system in classical times, where the head of state must control all state affairs. Whereas in the modern era, there are separate sections in shaping the performance of leader of state. Seorang perempuan memiliki potensi yang besar, demikian pula halnya dengan laki-laki, hal ini terlihat dari berbagai peran yang dibutuhkan perempuan dalam masyarakat, antara lain: peran reproduksi, ekonomi, sosial, politik dan kepemimpinan Islam. Namun dalam kepemimpinan Islam, sebagian besar perempuan hanya menjadi pengurus dalam organisasi kemasyarakatan, karena dianggap tidak memiliki sifat pemberani seperti laki-laki, kecuali organisasi kemasyarakatan yang semua anggotanya adalah perempuan. Hal ini dikarenakan kepentingan perempuan tidak terakomodir dalam berbagai keputusan politik. Pendidikan merupakan faktor utama yang menentukan keaktifan perempuan sebagai pengurus partai politik, kendala yang dialami perempuan di partai politik, diantaranya melalui sejumlah isu seperti; pendidikan, pekerjaan, keadilan dan kesetaraan gender, peran rumah tangga, budaya patriarki, agama dan hubungan keluarga. Perempuan yang memiliki kompetensi memimpin negara dapat menjadi kepala negara dalam konteks masyarakat modern, karena sistem pemerintahan modern tidak sama dengan sistem monarki pada zaman klasik, dimana kepala negara harus menguasai semua urusan kenegaraan. Padahal di era modern, terdapat bagian tersendiri dalam membentuk kinerja pemimpin negara.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-171
Author(s):  
Mikhail Mityukov

The modernisation of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation in 1993–2000 was a result of the political and legal transformations of the 1990s, and the period of its procedural inaction for a year and a half was by no means time lost. It was used to prepare a new law for the Constitutional Court, which was largely prepared by the Court itself and accompanied by disputes with the State Legal Department of the Russian Federation’s president and various factions of the State Duma of the first assembly (LDPR, KPRF). Discussions were primarily held about the status of the Constitutional Court, such as the Court’s term in office, as well as its number of members, which greatly determined the effectiveness of the future “second” Constitutional Court of the 1993–1995 model and its internal structure. Filling the Constitutional Court’s six vacant seats as defined by the 1993 Constitution was not carried out by electing judges as in the previous legislation, but instead by appointing them to each of the chambers on the suggestion of the head of state. This predetermined an acute political struggle, primarily to establish the procedure for selecting candidates for judicial positions and determining the role of the president in each chamber of the Federal Assembly, the State Duma factions, legal institutions, and scientific communities of legal scholars. The independent “game” of each of these elements delayed the process of starting a functioning Constitutional Court for many months, but the democratic procedure for electing the courts’ heads allowed the issue to resolve without delay.


1959 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
John Plamenatz ◽  
W. R. Ward ◽  
Asa Briggs ◽  
Max Beloff ◽  
Joseph Frankel ◽  
...  

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Tage Kaarsted

The article describes the history of Danish constitutional monarchy (since 1849). It analyzes the complicated procedure in connection with government formation. The Queen must avoid being implied in party polities. She will always act on the responsibility of the Prime Minister, but the role of the Private Secretary is important. The Queen does not take part in policy-making at all. Her functions, be they only formal, are of great symbolic significance. Gallup polls indicate the popularity of monarchy. The Queen is considered the impartial head of state. She is respected as a talented artist. The Queen does not take part in business life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-431
Author(s):  
Marta Noińska

The paper analyzes the role of official websites in creating the image of the head of state in Poland, Russia and the United Kingdom. The official website is a convenient tool allowing not only the appropriate presentation of the leader, but also the immediate publication of new content. The wide variety of semiotic resources used on the webpages attracts and maintains the attention of the recipient. The author describes the history of the official websites, identifies the genres characteristic of individual political cultures and observes similarities and differences related to the image of the current head of state.


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