scholarly journals Literature on music in the Southslavic Choral Union Herald (1935-1938)

Muzikologija ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Vasic
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Sheet Music ◽  
Younger Generation ◽  
Choral Societies ◽  
Significant Figures ◽  
Kingdom Of Yugoslavia ◽  
Critical Reviews

During 1935, 1936. and 1938, in Belgrade was published a monthly magazine The Southslavic Choral Union Herald [Vesnik Juznoslovenskog pevackog saveza]. Three years represent 16 issues or 119 articles, or 216 pages. The first editor was Milenko Zivkovic (1901-1964), a Serbian composer of the younger generation, the chief secretary of the Southslavic Choral Union. The magazine was conceived as a newsletter. Choral societies, members of the South Slavic Choral Association, were given the opportunity to stay informed about the work of the Union and the activities of choral societies throughout the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Therefore, Herald published numerous news, informative articles, speeches and obituaries. However, the Herald got physiognomy of a music magazine thanks to essays on the significant figures of Serbian music (Davorin Jenko, Stevan Mokranjac), texts about the problems of choral technique and interpretation, critical reviews of sheet music, and musical criticism. These texts were written by the leading Serbian musicians of the time: Milenko Zivkovic, Branko Dragutinovic, Petar Krstic, Mihailo Vukdragovic, Miloje Milojevic and Richard Schwartz. The Herald represented the ideology of integral Yugoslavism. The assassination of Yugoslav king Alexander Karadjordjevic during his visit to Marseilles in 1934 strongly affected the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which has long been in the political crisis. However, the Herald and the Southslavic Choral Union have remained faithful to the ideology of Yugoslavism and to King Alexander as its symbol.

The War Policy of South Africa

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1178-1187
Author(s):  
Lucretia L. Ilsley
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Minor Parties ◽  
Deputy Prime Minister ◽  
British Commonwealth

Neutrality versus support of the British Commonwealth was the issue which confronted the Union of South Africa when Great Britain, on September 3, 1939, went to war with Germany. A glance at recent South African political history will assist the reader in understanding the significance of the political crisis which marked the Union's entry into the conflict. As the outcome of an earlier crisis at the end of 1932, when South Africa abandoned the gold standard, a Coalition Government headed by two Boer generals was formed. Genaral Hertzog, leader of the Afrikaans-speaking Nationalist party, who had been prime minister in the preceding Nationalist-Laborite Pact Government, continued in the premiership. The post of deputy prime minister in the Coalition Cabinet was taken by General Smuts, the head of the South African party (made up of both Afrikaans and Englishspeaking elements of the population), which had formed the Opposition to the Pact Government. When this Coalition of 1933 was welded into Fusion by the formation of the United party in 1934, the rô1e of the official Opposition was assumed by the extreme Nationalists under Dr. Malan. Minor parties in Parliament were the Laborites and the Dominion party, an offshoot of the South African party with strong pro-British sentiments.

Thailand in 2008: Crises Continued

Asian Survey ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kitti Prasirtsuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Territorial Conflicts

Thailand was bombarded by multiple crises in 2008. The political crisis became more acute as the divisiveness among people ran deep and escalated to violence. The situation remains unresolved. Insurgency in the South continues, while territorial conflicts with Cambodia have also erupted.

On Metaphysics and the Political: A Polemics of Reading Baudelaire in the 1930s

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Poetry ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.

Proza epoki Marca i wokół Marca’68 / The Political Crisis of March 1968 in Polish Fiction

2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-237
Author(s):  
Sławomir Buryła
Keyword(s):  
Short Stories ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protests

Summary The article examines the representation in Polish fiction of the atmosphere of the political protests of March 1968. The relevant texts can be divided into two groups, those that were written about the time of the crisis and those that focused on the March events, as they came to be known, in retrospect. The former includes the anti-Semitic short stories and novels written by Stanisław Ryszard Dobrowolski and Roman Bratny - works whose profile makes them exceptional in postwar Polish fiction. The latter is made up of an assortment of fiction and memoirs.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

Afars of Ethiopia in the system of ethnic federalism

2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Ethnic Federalism

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”

he domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in the spring and summer of 1669

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Bоris N. Florya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Right

Based on an analysis of sources, the author tries to reconstruct the course of events during the political crisis on the Right Bank, at the center of which was the confrontation between the right-bank hetman P. Doroshenko and his opponent, P. Sukhovey, an elected hetman of the Zaporozhian Sich with the support of the Crimean Khanate. The author shows that the opposition to Doroshenko was significant and was formed as well under the influence of the news about his Turkish citizenship. It was approved by the Korsun Rada, to participate in which the Right-Bank hetman was able to mobilize a significant number of supporters from the Right-Bank foreman. This caused discontent not only among the Cossacks, but also among the Cossack mob in a part of the Right-Bank regiments. Doroshenko’s attempts to get help from the Ottoman Empire were unsuccessful and in the summer his position became threatening: only two Cossack regiments stood on the side of the hetman. Only the arrival of the ambassadors of the Sultan in August 1669, who demanded that the Crimean Khanate stop supporting the opposition to Doroshenko, and the subsequent departure of the Tatars defused the situation and saved the Right-Bank hetman from losing the power. These events, as well as the ensuing similar domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in 1672, demonstrate how shaky the Doroshenko’s position was and how difficult it was for him to maintain the power.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

scholarly journals Rise and Fall of the Grand Canal in the Ancient Kaifeng City of China: Role of the Grand Canal and Water Supply in Urban and Regional Development

Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 1932
Author(s):  
Wenji Huang ◽  
Mingwang Xi ◽  
Shibao Lu ◽  
Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary
Keyword(s):  
Song Dynasty ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Central Plains ◽  
Grand Canal ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Song Dynasty ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Northern Song ◽  
The Grand Canal

In the long history of the feudal society of China, Kaifeng played a vital role. During the Northern Song Dynasty, Kaifeng became a worldwide metropolis. The important reason was that the Grand Canal, which was excavated during the Sui Dynasty, became the main transportation artery for the political and military center of the north and the economic center of the south. Furthermore, Kaifeng was located at the center of the Grand Canal, which made it the capital of the later Northern Song Dynasty. The Northern Song Dynasty was called “the canal-centered era.” The development of the canal caused a series of major changes in the society of the Northern Song Dynasty that were different from the previous ones, which directly led to the transportation revolution, and in turn, promoted the commercial revolution and the urbanization of Kaifeng. The development of commerce contributed to the agricultural and money revolutions. After the Northern Song Dynasty, the political center moved to the south. During the Yuan Dynasty, the excavation of the Grand Canal made it so that water transport did not have to pass through the Central Plains. The relocation of the political center and the change in the canal route made Kaifeng lose the value of connecting the north and south, resulting in the long-time fall of the Bianhe River. Kaifeng, which had prospered for more than 100 years, declined gradually, and by the end of the Qing Dynasty, it became a common town in the Central Plains. In ancient China, the rise and fall of cities and regions were closely related to the canal, and the relationship between Kaifeng and the Grand Canal was typical. The history may provide some inspiration for the increasingly severe urban and regional sustainable development issues in contemporary times.

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