Political Parties of the World, 2nd ed. Compiled and Edited by Alan J. Day and Henry W. Degenhardt. (London: Longman Group, and Detroit: Gale Research, 1984. Pp. x + 602. $90.00.)

1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 618-618
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Yılmaz Bingöl ◽  
Israel Nyaburi Nyadera ◽  
Gershon Dagba

This article aims to examine the legacy and policy of AK Party in Turkey, Ennahda’s political movement in Tunisia, and Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) in Bangladesh, which is ostensibly identified with Islamic political ideology and acquainted with the world as a ‘moderate-conservative political Islam party.’ The study interrogates the nature, processes, and the characteristic features of the three countries’ administrative system, comparatively from three regions of the world, particularly from the Middle East and Europe region, Africa and Arab region, and the South Asian region. This study also highlights these political parties’ history, political ideology differences, and their practices reflective of democratic principles from a theoretical perspective on politics, policy, and philosophy. It also acknowledges whether the political development of Turkey from 2002 onward is feasible for Bangladeshi and Tunisian Islamic political parties to accept as a role model in their political arena.


Slavic Review ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Groth

Much valuable information on the dynamics of Poland's political life between the world wars is still to be uncovered in the records of national elections. Of particular interest are the contests of 1919, 1922, and 1928, since in all of these elections political parties were still allowed to participate directly (as they were not in 1935 and 1938), and governmental restraint and manipulation were not yet so massive as to cast doubt on the entire result (as in 1930).


1998 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ertman

Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.


Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Bischof ◽  
Thomas Kurer

Political parties have long thrived on systematic grassroots mobilization of support. But does traditional partisan bottom-up mobilization still matter in an interconnected digital age turning the world into a `global village'? We address this question by studying the impact of the populist Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S) on the rejection of the 2016 constitutional referendum in Italy. The movement's unusual practice to coordinate activities on a public event platform provides a unique opportunity to collect the complete event history of a modern political party. We merge this data consisting of over 200'000 geo-coded meetings by 1'000 local chapters with referendum results and individual panel data. Relying on regression, matching, and instrumental variable models, we find a small but consistent effect of M5S activity on the referendum outcome. Our findings demonstrate the continued relevance of bottom-up mobilization and highlight direct democratic means as an influential channel for populist movements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 503-515
Author(s):  
Herman Santy

The 1974 election-period has been sustained intensively by the BRT (Belgian Radio and Television Corporation). The Board of Directors decided to do sa in order to accomplish the corporation's task of objective information.The political parties also used intensively the extra air-time accorded by the same Board of Directors, for their clection-campaign. As for all political parties all over the world, radio and even more television air-time, is seen as an indispensable instrument for diffusing party-coloured information.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Basir Moqemi

Afghanistan which is known as the heart of Asia and strategic hub, has been burning in political parties and world super powers vicarious fight. Simultaneously, with the conflicts it would like to keep abreast with the world development. In consideration of speed of technology and improvements of world, globalization of education is one of the controversial issues. Education plays a key and an important role in taking decisions, social, economic and cultural activities in human society. For this reason, it minimum decreases human separations and makes countries’ profits closer to each other. Human thoughts and knowledge simply break the limitations and pave the ground for human interactions. Information of this review has taken from national and international libraries, magazines and articles. This study has considered as a limit of library and has used thoughts and ideas of scientists and theorists about globalization. Result of study shows that how globalization affects on country’s education that has faced problems and opportunities in their education. By consideration of effective and active plan we can reach out the problems. We can change weak points to strong points simultaneously with world. Despite of all accompanying countries cooperation and attention for developing education system and rehabilitation of Afghanistan, still there are lots of challenges for standardizing education system. By presenting objective suggestions and struggling to build standardized education system, we can achieve our goals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 758-774
Author(s):  
T. Murat Yildirim

This chapter focuses on legislative speechmaking patterns in Turkey over four election cycles between 1995 and 2011. Specifically, the chapter aims to test the theory of legislative speechmaking outlined earlier in this volume, where political parties in closed-list proportional electoral systems are hypothesized to have full control over the speakers’ list to ensure the party discipline and unity. Results based on 35,000 legislative speeches made by over 2100 MPs do not support some elements of the outlined theory. In particular, I show that as the number of terms served in the parliament increases, the propensity to take the legislative floor decreases. Additionally, government party MPs are significantly less likely to take the floor. However, in line with the theory, cabinet ministers take the floor much more frequently, relative to others. The implications of these findings are discussed in the context of the theory of legislative speechmaking around the world.


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