Toward Islam Through Political Parties, Ideology, and Democracy: A Discourse Analysis on Turkey’s AK Party, Tunisian Ennahda, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-51
Author(s):  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Yılmaz Bingöl ◽  
Israel Nyaburi Nyadera ◽  
Gershon Dagba
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Theoretical Perspective ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The World ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This article aims to examine the legacy and policy of AK Party in Turkey, Ennahda’s political movement in Tunisia, and Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI) in Bangladesh, which is ostensibly identified with Islamic political ideology and acquainted with the world as a ‘moderate-conservative political Islam party.’ The study interrogates the nature, processes, and the characteristic features of the three countries’ administrative system, comparatively from three regions of the world, particularly from the Middle East and Europe region, Africa and Arab region, and the South Asian region. This study also highlights these political parties’ history, political ideology differences, and their practices reflective of democratic principles from a theoretical perspective on politics, policy, and philosophy. It also acknowledges whether the political development of Turkey from 2002 onward is feasible for Bangladeshi and Tunisian Islamic political parties to accept as a role model in their political arena.

The changing political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community towards Islamic political parties in general elections (a case study: general elections in Indonesia)

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Joko Waluyo
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the changing political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community towards Islamic political parties in general elections; to analyze the factors that influenced the political orientation of Air Tiris community in general elections; and to realize the political rights of the society including Air Tiris community. Design/methodology/approach The subject in this study is the political orientation of the Air Tiris community in the 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 general elections with a period of research from 2009 to 2016. This qualitative research method consists of sources, data collection, informants, data collection techniques, data analysis and processing and writing systematics. Findings The results of the research indicate that there are three dominant factors affecting the change in the political orientation of the Air Tiris community towards Islamic political parties characterized by the deterioration of vote acquisition for Islamic political parties in Air Tiris village in 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014 general elections. The weakening of the link between religious identity and voting behaviour, as well as the weakening of political movement. The identification or loyalty of the santri community towards Islamic parties has faded. Originality/value The originality of this research lies in the analysis of the political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community, in general, elections towards Islamic political parties. Traditionally, this community has more political orientation on religious/Islamic political parties but such orientation experiences developments and changes that lead to non-Islamic parties. This research contains new information about the analysis of the political orientation of Air Tiris, Kampar, Riau community in the general election of Islamic political parties.

Vertically Disconnected

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Jennifer Epley ◽  
Eunsook Jung
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
Over Time

Although Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world, secular political parties have been more successful than Islamic parties in the last four legislative elections since the country democratised in 1998. Why have Islamic parties been unable to dominate Indonesian electoral politics? This article argues that the underperformance of Islamic parties is because Islam itself is not a sufficient variable for political affiliation. Instead, we must analyse interactions among voters, Muslim civil society and Islamic political parties. The disconnection and fragmentation of linkages between these three levels explain electoral weaknesses over time. Original fieldwork research and survey data provide strong evidence for this argument.

Political Parties in Sarawak and Sabah

1965 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. S. Milne
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Small Country ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Binding Effect ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
North Borneo ◽  
The World

It is a commonplace that political development must be prepared for and planned for. Without adequate preparation and planning there will be chaos, perhaps approaching Congo-like proportions. The dangers are all the greater in multi-racial societies, such as Sarawak and North Borneo. A warning against the premature introduction of political parties in Sarawak was given by the Governor in 1959 only a few weeks before the Sarawak United Peoples' Party was founded. “It is … essential that party politics should not cause further divisions in our community but should have a unifying and binding effect. If a party tends to be dominated by one race or class … it may have a disintegrating effect on our community …… I frankly doubt if political parties at the present stage of development will spell faster progress in this small country …” These misgivings were echoed from North Borneo, by its Governor, some six months later. “People of like taste or like purpose are all too probably of like race, and nothing could promise greater disaster for this country than its division on communal lines.” The Governor knew of no multiracial society in the world “where as yet there has been evolved a satisfactory, stable or easy working form of fully representative Government”. Nearly four years later the next Governor of North Borneo warned of the danger of “mounting the tiger of political parties prematurely”. The formation of parties at this stage “carried the greatest danger of communal strife”.

scholarly journals The Quest for Israeli Identity: the Rise and Decline of the Sabra Myth

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
V.P. Rumyantsev
Keyword(s):  
Role Model ◽  
World Community ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
The World ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
Jewish Youth ◽  
Second World

This article analyzes an attempt to construct a new identity for Jews born on the territory of the Mandatory Palestine, the so-called Sabras, between the First and Second World Wars. The characteristic features of this identity included the deliberate brutality, the combination of peasant labor with the skills of armed self-defense, collectivism and a conscious break with the diaspora past. The external attributes of the sabras were the wearing of simple but comfortable clothes of the inhabitants of the kibbutzim and the cultivation of Hebrew. Sabras become a role model for Jewish youth who arrived in Israel and those who were already born here. The attractiveness of the sabra’s image was enhanced through advertising posters, cinematography, and literature. This model of identity is of interest as an attempt to return to the origins of Hebrew history, as well as to raise a generation of “new Jews” devoid of any shortcomings that complicated the life of Jews in exile. The artificiality of this model and its isolation from Israeli realities were among the main reasons that led to the collapse of the myth of the super-sabra. At the same time, this myth laid the foundations for a different perception of the Jews both by themselves and by the world community, contributing to the victory of Israel in the war of independence.

Part 4 Constitutionalism and Separation of Powers, 4.8 Indonesia: A Presidential System with Checks and Balances

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hosen Nadirsyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The World ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
State Method ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

This chapter focuses on the presidential system of Indonesia. The amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed the constitution from a vague and incomplete document rooted in the antidemocratic political philosophy of organic statism into a more coherent, complete, democratic framework for a presidential system with significant separation of powers and checks and balances. The very fact that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world did not lead Islamic political parties to propose that Indonesia should become an Islamic state. According to the amendments, Indonesia remains a republic, with a presidential system and three branches of government. The chapter discusses the form of the Indonesian state, method of election, requirements, accountability, and relationship among the executive, the parliament, and the judiciary.

scholarly journals Al-Qaeda

2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-137
Author(s):  
Pedro Brieger
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
State Power ◽  
Al Qaeda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The World ◽  
Osama Bin Laden ◽  
First Time ◽  
Network Of Networks

The outrages carried out in recent years in diverse places of the world bearsomething that can only be called the “mark of al-Qaeda.” The planes thatcrashed into the Twin Towers, the bombs that exploded in Madrid, or theattack against American naval ships in Yemen were attributed to an internationalnetwork led by Osama bin Laden, located somewhere inAfghanistan. Although the existence of this “network” is not clear and itsstructure remains part of the unknown, it differs from the political partiesand movements known until now in two particular ways: It has demonstratedits willingness to attack anywhere in the world, and there do notseem to be too many requirements for joining it.In order to determine if this “network of networks” called al-Qaedaexists, we must first understand the rise and subsequent fall of the earlierIslamic movements that evolved out of the fervor of Iran’s Islamic revolutionof 1979. Second, we must realize the significance of adhering to amovement that has no partisan structure or links based on a strict ideologicalaffinity, given that many political parties exclude all who do not agreewith their own definite ideological set of rules.1The Radicalization of IslamFor the first time in the twentieth century, the revolution led by ImamKhomeini enabled a mass political movement rising aloft the political bannerof Islam to assume political and state power by means of revolution. In ...

scholarly journals Political Islam: The shrinking trend and the future trajectory of Islamic political parties in Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ahmad Khoirul Umam ◽  
Akhmad Arif Junaidi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Religious Conservatism ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The trend of religious conservatism in Indonesian public sector is increasing nowadays. But the trend is not followed by the rise of political Islam‟s popularity. The Islamic political parties are precisely abandoned by their sympathizers because of some reasons. This paper tries to elaborate the reasons causing the erosion of Islamic parties‟ political legitimacy. Some fundamental problems such as inability to transform ideology into political platform, internal-factionalism, as well as the crisis of identity will be explained further. The experience from 2009 election can be used to revitalize their power and capacity for the better electability in the next 2014 election. But they seem to be unable to deal with the previous problems making the electability erosion in 2014 more potential and inevitable. Various strategies must be conducted by the parties such as consolidation, revitalizing their political communication strategy, widening political networks across various ideological and religious streams, and others. Without that, their existence would be subordinated by the secular parties to become the second class political players in this biggest Moslem country in the world.

scholarly journals ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE ORIGIN AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 481-489
Author(s):  
Husnul Isa Harahap
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Research Study ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
Theoretical Implication ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

Purpose: The objective of the study was to describe factors that influenced the establishment of the Islamic political parties and its political problems in South East Asia. Methodology: The research methodology used in the present research study is a literature study method with qualitative analysis. The data obtained from documents and books which were studied by online and offline. The gathered data analysed by using political theories. One of them was the analysis of the emergence of Islamic political parties. Main Findings: The study had two main findings. First, there were six factors which influenced the establishment of Islamic political parties, that is the demography, political system, political ideology, contagion, international political economy, and political competition. Secondly, there were four problems faced by Islamic political parties in winning the political contest, especially in the general election. The first problem was the division of local cultural identity, followed by the unfavorable situation for Islamic political parties, political ideology, and the quality of Islamic political parties themselves. Implications: It had a theoretical implication on the harmony between Islam and democracy, the emergence of Islamic political parties, and the problems. It revealed that there was no problem between the existence of Islamic political parties and democracy. Novelty: When the secular political party lost public trust, the voters did not automatically shift their political votes to the Islamic political parties.

scholarly journals New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 459
Author(s):  
Ibnu Burdah
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Literary Research ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
The World ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]

Cosmopolitan Muslim Intellectuals and the Mediation of Cultural Islam in Indonesia

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-136
Author(s):  
Carool Kersten
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The West ◽  
Scholarly Research ◽  
Alternative Discourse ◽  
The World ◽  
East And Southeast Asia ◽  
Muslim Intellectuals ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

Carool Kersten’s article describes how Indonesia plays a key role in connecting East and Southeast Asia with the Middle East and the rest of the world. Aside from progress in scholarly research on the historicity of these relations, Kersten analyzes contemporary developments. As the largest Muslim nation in the world, Indonesia has positioned itself in the vanguard of ASEAN as the main architect of the region’s relations with other parts of Asia, the Islamic world and the West, while simultaneously avoiding overtly political Islamic agendas, relying instead on a notion of ‘cultural’ or 'civil Islam.' This article discusses the alternative discourse of civil or cultural Islam developed by a cosmopolitan Indonesian Muslim intelligentsia who was given a space by the consecutive regimes following the ousting of Sukarno. Kersten identifies this uniquely Indonesian Islamic discourse as the outcome of the compounded efforts of three generations of Muslim intellectuals, loyal to the Pancasila ideology and embracing the slogan ‘Islam Yes! Islamic Party: No!’ In defiance of the growing antagonism following the re-emergence of Islamic political parties in the post-Suharto era, also the youngest generation of ‘liberal’ and ‘post-traditional’ Muslims continue to give shape to this cosmopolitan Islam.

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