Agrarian Structure and the State in Java and Bangladesh

1988 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gillian Hart

On the face of it, rural Java and Bangladesh appear remarkably similar. The similarities are particularly pronounced in lowland Java and southeastern Bangladesh where there are virtually identical population densities and nearly universal modern rice technology. Extraordinary population pressure on the land is accompanied by minute farm size and, despite lower land concentration than in many other parts of the world, both Java and Bangladesh display substantial disparities in control over land and high levels of landlessness or near-landlessness.

2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.


Author(s):  
Mohamed-Ali Adraoui

Islamism now dates back a hundred years. Concern over members of this political and religious movement relates to their putative and potential radical - or even violent – behavior when confronted with cultural otherness. Such behavior takes root in their assumed wish to redesign the world in their image. From its inception in the 1920s to its more recent manifestations, the Islamist movement strove to lift Muslim societies out of their alleged civilizational lethargy. In so-doing, it has paid substantial attention to the state of international affairs, as well as to potential ways to act on it. If the State remains undeniably Islamist movements’ privileged arena for action, considerations for Muslim countries’ environment; devising strategies aiming at the completion of a “motherland of believers” (al-oumma); thoughts on an interstate order within an Islamic frame of reference - remain prominent concerns to them. From its outset, Islamism has always insisted on the duty to serve religion as a whole - and thus everyone identifying with it. Its end goal therefore overrides geographical, historical and political borders – those being perceived as divisive and weakening the face of Islam. In addition, Islamists consider the current international order as one consciously designed by non-Muslims. In such views, the latter nurse an ontological enmity towards Islam because of its revisionist potential. The Arab revolutions initiated in 2010 have been experimental fields of the oppositional – even revolutionary – dimensions of Islamist ideology. These enable interrogations to be raised on Islamism’s practice and possible evolutions. In other words, how do Islamist movements translate fundamental diplomatic and relational principles into practice with other actors of the international system? If Islamist forces are indeed maintaining special relationships with the outside world mainly driven by the wish to shower the planet with Islam-serving behavior, is it however analytically relevant to identify a specific Islamist practice of international affairs? There are two objectives tied to this presentation. First, it will attempt to shed light on how Islamist activists, leaders and theorists view the world. In so-doing, Islamist speeches and intellectual output will be scrutinized. Then, answers will be provided to the following question: when Islamist officials have had the chance to approach national decision-making arenas - this is the case in some countries that have experienced the Arab Spring – how did they manage to put up a foreign policy agenda centered around an Islamic framework? This question is central for through it one can attempt to measure the empirical outreach of the Islamist ideology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-106
Author(s):  
Nadezhda Kasavina

The article considers the work of Leo N. Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyich in the context of the concept of boundary situations by K. Jaspers; the phenomena of “intercession in death”; one’s own and non-own Being-toward-death by M. Heidegger; the stages of personal acceptance of death which were identified by E. Kubler-Ross on the basis of psychotherapeutic work with incurable patients. The situation of Ivan Ilyich shows the position of a person in the face of existential anxiety and threats of loneliness, a sense of meaninglessness, despair, actualized by the boundary situation of death. The dynamics of the state of the novel’s protagonist is interpreted as the formation of “one’s own Being-towards-death”, which has the character of being in relation to “one’s own ability of being” (M. Heidegger). Presence is completely surrendered to itself, essentially open to itself. Loneliness acts as a way to open existence. In the openness of presence for the individual the world opens itself, the other and others in their unique way of being. Ivan Ilyich experiences this before his death as an epiphanic phenomenon, which unfolds the destiny of the personality, leading it beyond the limits of only his or her life and suffering. The interaction of the protagonist with others is considered from the perspective of the problems identified by E. Kuebler-Ross in the relationship of doctors, relatives and patients in the terminal stage of their illness and the transition to the acception of their own finiteness, which acquires the character of historicity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. v-xix
Author(s):  
Afsoun Afsahi ◽  
Emily Beausoleil ◽  
Rikki Dean ◽  
Selen A. Ercan ◽  
Jean-Paul Gagnon

As countries around the world went into lockdown, we turned to 32 leading scholars working on different aspects of democracy and asked them what they think about how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted democracy. In this article, we synthesize the reflections of these scholars and present five key insights about the prospects and challenges of enacting democracy both during and after the pandemic: (1) COVID-19 has had corrosive effects on already endangered democratic institutions, (2) COVID-19 has revealed alternative possibilities for democratic politics in the state of emergency, (3) COVID-19 has amplified the inequalities and injustices within democracies, (4) COVID-19 has demonstrated the need for institutional infrastructure for prolonged solidarity, and (5) COVID-19 has highlighted the predominance of the nation-state and its limitations. Collectively, these insights open up important normative and practical questions about what democracy should look like in the face of an emergency and what we might expect it to achieve under such circumstances.


Author(s):  
А. Абылкасымова ◽  
A. Abylkasymova ◽  
Михаил Рыжаков ◽  
Mikhail Ryzhakov ◽  
Сергей Шишов ◽  
...  

The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience of reforming the education systems of Russia and Kazakhstan over the past three decades to identify appropriate areas of development of the education system in the face of the confrontation of globalization and the preservation of national interests of our countries. The following tasks are solved: to analyze the experience of the development of state educational standards; to evaluate the results of international research in the field of education; to assess the role of schools in the development of the state and the role of the state in the development of education in the face of the confrontation of globalization ideas and the preservation of national interests of our countries. The following methods were used: content analysis, statistical analysis, hermeneutic approach, method of historical and cultural research. Reforming the education system has led to fundamental changes in both the field itself and the public consciousness of our citizens. As a result, a part of the population approves of reforms, and another part does not accept them, referring to the fact that the former education system was one of the best in the world. The standards of general education, and then the standards of pedagogical education were largely modernized. This led to changes in their content. As a result, various educational systems emerged and the terms “competence” and “competence approach” were consolidated, which became the main components of the content of education, both general and professional pedagogical. The school itself is changing and the role of the teacher in it. However, to date society does not have an answer to the main question - what positive results did our entry into the world educational space give us. The authors propose to comprehensively analyze the carried out modernization in the field, draw conclusions and, if necessary, make corrections to the essence and content of the ongoing reforms in the system of both general secondary and higher pedagogical education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-91
Author(s):  
Ana S. Iltis ◽  

The term “culture wars” has been used to describe deep, apparently intractable, disagreements between groups for many years. In contemporary discourse, it refers to disputes regarding significant moral matters carried out in the public square and for which there appears to be no way to achieve consensus or compromise. One set of battle lines is drawn between those who hold traditional Christian commitments and those who do not. Christian bioethics is nested in a set of moral and metaphysical understandings that collide with those of the dominant secular culture. The result is a gulf between a moral life and an approach to bioethics framed in the face of a transcendent God and a final judgment versus a moral life and an approach to bioethics framed as if the world were without ultimate meaning and as if death were the end of personal existence. These approaches are separated by a moral and metaphysical gulf that sustains incompatible life worlds and incompatible understandings of bioethics. Attempts to bridge the gulf with secular reason are ineffective because there is no shared conception of reason or standard of evidence. Efforts to use the state to enforce a particular set of metaphysical and moral commitments, whether secular or religious, lead to public disputes with a war-like character.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-71
Author(s):  
Masyhudunnury Masyhudunnury

Over a year the COVID-19 pandemic has hit all corners of the world, including remote areas throughout the archipelago. One of the reasons for the government's inopable efforts in dealing with it is that partial non-compliance has been poured in the form of regional legal products. This paper aims to analyze and explore the real non-compliance of the community even though the local government has done its utmost to make the community understand the purpose and noble purpose of the rule. By using literature studies in analyzing empirical phenomena of behavior among the people of Bangkalan district in response to the policy of 'state' in the face of pandemic covid-19. From this research, it was concluded that the 'state' endeavors in this case the Bangkalan District Government and how to handle it in saving the community from Covid-19 protesters with the representation of the pouring of the community will cult a "holy text", noble values understood in pieces. regional law products, both the Regent Regulation and the Regent's Decree. But the effort as a good will of such authority is hindered by the simplicity of understanding and interpretation of most of society's cult of a "sacred text", noble values understood in pieces


Author(s):  
G. S. Panova

The article provides an analysis of the present condition and prospects of development of banks and the banking business in the face of international sanctions. It identifies current trends, problems and the risks of banks and banking in Russia and in the world. Special attention is paid to the analysis of sectoral international sanctions against the Russian banks and the need to minimize negative impact of sanctions on the banking business, both nationally and internationally. Great value in these conditions has the state monetary policy. Anti-crisis policy pursued by the Bank of Russia, in a context of stagnating economy, leads to a reduction in the Russian share in the world economy and increases in the standard of living gap with the developed countries. The article argues that Russia's economic growth opportunities in 2016 are limited by restriction level of bank interest, the high volatility of the exchange rate of the national currency, insufficient development of credit relations, tough, high-budget (at the level of developed Europe) tax burden, increasing administrative costs, dramatically increasing the concentration of risks of subjective decisions at the present stage of the electoral cycle. In a situation of uncertainty of predictions regarding the scope and duration of the application of sanctions, the Russian Government and the Central Bank of the Russian Federation had rightly seek to use a combination of anti-sanctions measures of austerity measures on introduction of contra-sanctions to create more comfortable conditions for doing business in Russia and her allies from member countries of Eurasian Economic Union, SCO, BRICS. The article examines the strategic aspects of development banks and banking business in Russia under the new circumstances. Given the practical recommendations on improvement of the development strategy of banks in Russia. The necessity to improve the theoretical, conceptual, methodological, her reasoning and extend the range of retrospective and prospective analysis of the State of the banking sector development strategy of the Russian economy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-230
Author(s):  
Tuty Mutiah ◽  
Dhefine Armelsa ◽  
Faqihar Risyan ◽  
Agung Raharjo

Dystopia in Film Tiga Liberalism Conditions (Roland Barthes Semiotics Studies about Dystopia on Liberalism in Jakarta in Film Tiga). This study goals is to determine the meaning of dystopian condition of Jakarta in the Film Tiga through the sign, signifier and signified. Three films is a film that adopts Liberal describe the depravity of Jakarta twenty years in the future in 2036. The method used semiotic analysis of Roland 2 Bartes.The object of research is the Film Tiga were directed by Anggy Umbara and classified through five objects dystopia condition of Jakarta, dystopian condition of the state apparatus, dystopia conditions of religion, dystopia technology, and dystopias journalism to find signs and markers and meaning at the level of the first and second, the denotation, connotations and myths.These results indicate that the situation of Jakarta transformed into an increasingly metropolis marked by the increasing number of high-rise buildings, as well as demonstrations marked depicted in 2015 until 2025. In 2026, the revolution ended and became State Liberalism. Changes in the State apparatus are characterized by the wish to dominate the world to create freedom in the face of the earth. One is to get rid of religion, by damaging the face of religion. State Officials do havoc with bring into conflict of the Religion. Changes religion marked by shifting religious values, is marked by religion becomes a thing wrong choice. The lack of freedom is depicted in this film, must be eradicated in order to function in a Liberal to be ideal. Technological changes are interpreted as changes in technology that convey information quickly, as well as the ability to hacked That meaning is characterized by technological devices that undergo changes such as, mobile phones, flash, televisions, doors, computers, laptops and so forth is now transformed into transparent. The changes meant the journalistic agenda setting media that is still happening characterized by lack of freedom of the press.


Author(s):  
Aicha Abd Elhamid

In the face of the Corona pandemic, like the countries of the world, Algeria has taken precautionary and other deterrent measures that keep pace with and accompany the epidemic, aiming to protect the security and safety of the citizen in the first place. Which was approved by the President of the Republic, Abdel Majid Tebboune, and aimed at preventing and combating the spread of the Corona epidemic (Covid 19), as Executive Decree No. 20-69 issued on March 21, 2020, came with measures and measures that ranged from approving a total quarantine for some states, then Gradually, the state entered a partial quarantine for all the states of the homeland, with a variation in the hours of quarantine. And in front of the quarantine procedures, to ensure the safety and security of the citizen and to preserve public order within society, and in order to respect the quarantine procedures, Algeria entered into deterrent measures, ranging between Administrative penalties and criminal penalties imposed on citizens, as well as the adoption of deterrent measures for all violators of the quarantine procedures, and these penalties were financial fines and imprisonment as a penalty depriving freedom, as the Algerian legislator amended the Penal Code. Irrigation including articles stipulating criminal penalties for all quarantine violators and for everyone who stands an obstacle to the application of quarantine measures and the preservation of public order by the police and gendarmerie agents to maintain security.


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