Sangalan Oral Traditions as Philosophy and Ideologies

1999 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 239-267
Author(s):  
Mohamed Saidou N'Daou

Sangalan is located in northeast Guinea in the région of MaliYambering. It was a federation of groups of villages, consisting of three taane (kafo in Malinke, districts or groups of villages): Dombiya, Uyukha, and Djulabaya. To these three taane correspond three ethnic subgroups, the Dombiyanne, Uyukhanne, and Djulabayanne. The Dombiyanne were mostly the Keita families; the Uyukhanne the Camara; and the Djulabayanne the Nyakhasso. The people of Sangalan are Dialonka—those living in Sangalan are called the Sangalanka. They are originally all from Dialonkadougou, at first a province of the Soso empire founded and ruled by Sumanguru Kante, and later a province of the empire of Mali, created by Sundiata Keita in the thirteenth century. The Sangalanka call themselves “Sosoe Forine” (Old Sosoe), the Sosoe who lived on the high mountains (dialon) of both the Soso and Manden empires. They call the other Sosoe, living along the Guinean coast, Bani Sosone (Sosoe of the Coast, near the water). The Soso Forine and Bani Sosone lived in the Futa Jallon and were driven away by the Fulani invaders in the eighteenth century.

1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.


Belleten ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 70 (257) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Esin Kahya

During the fourteenth century, Ottomans opened madrasa in where they invaded. The first madrasa was founded in Nicosia (Iznik). The second was founded in Brussa. All of them were built to let the people learn religion including in astronomy and mathematics, as it happened in some other places of Anatolia during the Seljukids in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth century. They also founded hospitals in the same places. One of them was Yıldırım Hospital in Bursa. It was also served as a medical school. Its first physician was Physician Husnu. The first medical studies in the Ottoman Empire appeared in the fourteenth century. Among them can be mentioned Ishaq b. Murad, Hadji Pahsa, Physician Barakat and Cemal al-Din Aksarayi. Except Aksarayi who was interested in religious science in addition to medicine, they preferred to write in Turkish. Hadji Pasha had works in Turkish and Arabic. Although the other scientists who were interested in mathematics, astronomy, physics and chemistry preferred to write in Arabic or sometimes in Persian, the physicians wrote their works in Turkish.They felt to have to explain why they used Turkish language and said that they wrote their works in Turkish because they wished to understand what they said in their works. Their works were mainly on diseases, their treatments and the drugs which were used during the treatment of the illnesses.


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 139-156
Author(s):  
Stefan Eisenhofer

The chronology of the history of the Benin kingdom is seen by many historians as clarified in the main back to the thirteenth century and even earlier. Apart from the reports of European travelers and missionaries and some information given by merchants, this chronology is based mainly on the Benin kinglist for the periods before 1897. This list names 38 kings (obas) of Benin and covers past centuries with seemingly great accuracy (see table 1).In spite of the many names of former obas and the pretended accuracy of the list's time-frame, it would be problematic to take it as historically factual since it cannot be corroborated by any documentation before the mid-nineteenth century. The data concerning the period before this time are almost exclusively based on the writings of the Benin amateur historian Jacob Egharevba. In his work Egharevba reported on important events in the oral traditions of Benin and connected the reign of former kings with specific years. In doing so he forced his African oral material into a linear European time scheme and into the framework specified by European written sources.Unfortunately, very few historians have as yet critically analyzed the chronological data for Benin. This is surprising, since the great Benin researcher Bradbury noted some time ago that Egharevba's “chronological conclusions have been accepted too uncritically, especially for the period up to the first European contact” (Bradbury 1959:285f) and have been seen as historical facts without any further consideration ever since. Neither the question of so-called “genealogical parasitism,” nor any of the other fundamental problems which arise when studying kinglists have been addressed.


Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

This chapter considers the prevailing notion in the eighteenth century that nobility was a necessary bulwark of political freedom. Whether in the interest of a more open nobility or of a more closed and impenetrable nobility, the view was the same. Nobility as such, nobility as an institution, was necessary to the maintenance of a free constitution. There was also a general consensus that parliaments or ruling councils were autonomous, self-empowered, or empowered by history, heredity, social utility, or God; that they were in an important sense irresponsible, free to oppose the King (where there was one), and certainly owing no accounting to the “people.” The remainder of the chapter deals with the uses and abuses of social rank and the problems of administration, recruitment, taxation, and class consciousness.


Metahumaniora ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 306
Author(s):  
Asri Soraya Afsari

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji perbandingan kepercayaan masyarakat Talagadi Majalengka dan masyarakat Nagoya di Jepang. Kepercayaan yang dimaksud dalampenelitian ini adalah kepercayaan yang berhubungan dengan tabu atau pamali dankepercayaan yang berhubungan dengan keberuntungan pada kedua masyarakat tersebut.Untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut digunakan metode deskripstif kualitatif. Dalam memupudata digunakan metode lapangan karena peneliti terjun langsung ke masyarakat. Disamping itu, digunakan pula metode survey melalui penyebaran daftar kuesioner. Hasilpenelitian menunjukkan bahwa bentuk kepercayaan yang berhubungan dengan tabu ataupamali pada masyarakat Talaga dan Nagoya meliputi kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh manusia.Adapun kepercayaan yang berhubungan dengan keberuntungan pada kedua masyarakattersebut berkaitan dengan binatang, benda, dan kegiatan manusia. Sampai saat ini baikmasyarakat Talaga maupun Nagoya masih memegang teguh kepercayaan tersebut.Kata kunci: kepercayaan, Talaga, Nagoya, deskriptif kualitatif, komparasi budaya.AbstractThe aim of this research is to review the comparison of belief between the society ofTalaga in Majalengka and the society of Nagoya in Japan. The intended belief on this study isthe one related with a taboo or pamali, and the belief correlated to luck on both societies. Inachieving the goal, this research uses a descriptive qualitative method. To get the data, thewriter uses a field method that he (/she) directly involves with the people. On the other hand,the writer also uses a survey method by distributing questioners. The result shows that the beliefcorrelated with the taboo or pamali of Talaga and Nagoya societies covers the activities doneby human. Also with the belief related to luck of both societies corresponds to animals, things,and human’s activities. Until now, either Talaga society or Nagoya’s still keeps those beliefs.Keyword: belief, Talaga, Nagoya, descriptive qualitative, cultural comparison.


Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 171-174
Author(s):  
Tarare Toshida ◽  
Chaple Jagruti

The covid-19 resulted in broad range of spread throughout the world in which India has also became a prey of it and in this situation the means of media is extensively inϑluencing the mentality of the people. Media always played a role of loop between society and sources of information. In this epidemic also media is playing a vital role in shaping the reaction in ϑirst place for both good and ill by providing important facts regarding symptoms of Corona virus, preventive measures against the virus and also how to deal with any suspect of disease to overcome covid-19. On the other hand, there are endless people who spread endless rumours overs social media and are adversely affecting life of people but we always count on media because they provide us with valuable answers to our questions, facts and everything in need. Media always remains on top of the line when it comes to stop the out spread of rumours which are surely dangerous kind of information for society. So on our side we should react fairly and maturely to handle the situation to keep it in the favour of humanity and help government not only to ϑight this pandemic but also the info emic.


Author(s):  
Saodah Abd Rahman
Keyword(s):  

In the Qur´ān, infidelity is related to the term kufr in general. The word kufr is mentioned in different terms and contexts such as shirk, Ðulm and fisq. Kufr denotes the denial of the Articles of Islamic faith.  As regards shirk, it is applied to those who ascribe partners to Allah in word or action, like those who indulge in idolatry. Hence, the Christians who are regarded as the People of the Book are considered to be unbelievers equal to the polytheists due to their belief in the Doctrine of Trinity. The Jews, the other category of the People of the Book, despite their belief in the concept of monotheism (tawÍīd), are also considered to be unbelievers (kāfirūn) in the Qur´ān as a result of changing the laws of God in the Torah. The term Ðulm is directly related to the case of preventing people from worshipping Allah, deviating from the truth of Islam, and preaching against the teachings of the Messengers of Allah and their messages. As for the term Fisq, it is related to the people who, out of their own volition, do not abide by what Allah has revealed. This research tries to explore the contextual interpretation of some passages of the Qur´ān that are related to the term kufr in order to understand various categories of kufr.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN’s progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility.Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional.Résumé: L’effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l’inclination libérale qui privilégie, d’une part, l’individu et la communauté et, d’autre part, l’insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l’État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l’ANASE dans le cadre d’une refonte de l’Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l’idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l’ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale.


Author(s):  
Donant Alananto Iskandar ◽  
Siti Dewi Sri Ratna Sari

This study aims to find out the effect of event and publicity towards brand awareness on Indonesia Financial Service Authority, usually called with its abbreviation OJK. The research background is because OJK was newly established as a financial service authority, replacing Bank Indonesia. Therefore, exploring the awareness of the people about the function of OJK is interesting to be a research subject.This method used in this study is the quantitative method with 82 samples as the questionnaire respondents. The population chosen was an OJK’s event held at LPPI and Indonesia Banking School with 122 participants. Validity, reliability, normality, multicollinearity, heteroskedasticity, correlation, determination, regression, hypothesis and ANOVA tests are used as a statistical approach in order to define the outcome of the survey. The results of this study are both event and publicity have a positive and a significant influence towards brand awareness partially and simultaneously. As the conclusion, OJK should continue its programs. On the other hand, OJK should find another public relations strategy to accelerate people awareness about the duties of OJK. Keywords: Event, Publicity, Brand Awareness


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