scholarly journals Administrasjonsparadokset

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-94
Author(s):  
Christian Lo ◽  
Signy Irene Vabo

In this chapter, we discuss the consequences of what we have coined as the “administrative paradox”. The administrative paradox denotes the tensions that occurs when the normative expectation that political leaders should have a leading role in policy processes meets the practical reality that administrative actors are often the ones to set the political agenda. In the chapter, we discuss the modern-day relevance of classical ideas about the relation between politics and administration and, also, explore some recent attempts made by Norwegian municipalities to innovate political leadership in ways that affect this relation. A central theme in our discussion is the consequences of the so-called “hour-glass model” that describes a separation of politics and administration where the two spheres are joined through the roles of the mayor and the chief municipal executive. While the hour-glass model has had a profound impact on the organization of political and administrative leadership in Norwegian municipalities for close to three decades, we argue that the model is now due for a replacement. In its place, we suggest an alternative model that provides a more accurate description of how political leaders maintain a wider set of interfaces and that admits politicians a role also in the early phases of policy development. We have called this alternative model the “cogwheel-model”. In a brief and subsequent chapter, a Norwegian Chief Executive reflects on the interplay between politics and administration.

Author(s):  
Chuanzhao Lin

Currently, Russia’s and China’s political leaders’ activities are the focus of journalists’ and mass media’s attention in both countries. Besides, the way the national leader is represented in mass media has a significant impact on the information agenda both inside and outside each country. The author of the article studies the features of this media representation, and makes a content analysis by quality and quantity of publications in Rossijskaja Gazeta and Zhjen’min’ Zhibao newspapers in the period 2018–2019. Basing on the results of a comparative analysis of the research data, the author makes an inference that peculiarities of the representation of the political figures’ activities largely depend on the topical political agenda, ideological attitudes, national historical and cultural features, the international context, and the national leader’s personality. Mass media, being an intermediary between authorities and public, play the leading role in establishing communication between them and making it effective, which is a prerequisite for the state’s successful development. People's trust in authorities may be considered important factor of stable social, political and economic development. Media representation of the national leaders of Russia and China, two of the world’s superpowers, is not only an important form of interaction inside the countries, but also a key factor of successful international cooperation. The topicality of the study is determined by the intensifying mediatization of politics in general, and growing awareness of the dependence between the global media image of a national leader and that of the country he or she runs. Moreover, for a complete picture, it is necessary to identify job factors for journalists working in this sphere, and compare the approaches to representing the national leaders and their actions in the two countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. eabe3404
Author(s):  
Christopher R. Berry ◽  
Anthony Fowler

Anecdotal evidence suggests that some leaders are more effective than others but observed differences in outcomes between leaders could be attributable to chance variation. To solve this inferential problem, we develop a quantitative test of leader effects that provides more reliable inferences than previous strategies, and we implement the test in the settings of politics, business, and sports. We find significant effects of political leaders, particularly in nondemocracies. We find little evidence that chief executive officers influence the performance of their firms. In addition, we find clear evidence that sports coaches matter for a wide range of outcomes in football, basketball, baseball, and hockey.


<em>Abstract</em> .—Development of hydropower dams on the mainstream of the Mekong River is highly contentious, particularly in Laos where two mainstream dams are under construction and another seven are planned. The debate revolves predominantly around the economic development associated with increased electricity supply and sales, versus the livelihood disruption resulting from the degradation of the traditional uses of the river (primarily fisheries) and other ecosystem services. Assessment of policy and management indicates six lessons relating to the governance of the Mekong and potentially other large transboundary rivers. These are that decisions about resource use can be unrelated to resource management, different public viewpoints and value judgments by political leaders must be acknowledged, integrated planning is essential for rational development of natural resources, decentralization of government hinders sustainable management of natural resources, technical information is essential for decision making and assessment of trade-offs, and difficulties in comparing monetary and nonmonetary values encumber policy development.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 147-166
Author(s):  
Derek Pooley ◽  
George Smith ◽  
Colin Windsor

Brian Eyre was an outstanding metallurgist who played a leading role in the development of nuclear engineering materials. His experiments on irradiated metals enabled a theoretical understanding of the mechanisms of radiation damage, and in particular the formation of voids and void swelling in structural steels. His work on the fracture of metals advanced our understanding of intergranular embrittlement and helped define the specifications of the structural components in nuclear reactors. He rose from a humble upbringing in London's East End to become Chief Executive of the UK Atomic Energy Authority (UKAEA). He was instrumental in transforming the UKAEA from a organization whose mission was to develop nuclear power generating systems into the privatized AEA Technology, which worked on a wide range of technologies on a customer–contractor basis.


1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 250-261
Author(s):  
Kevin E. Kinkade

As with other health-related professions, the states regulate the practice of pharmacy through the oversight of a board of pharmacy. While the board is charged with policy development, actual implementation of day-to-day responsibilities is delegated to a chief executive officer who may or may not necessarily be a licensed pharmacist. The functions of this individual will vary as will the amount of autonomy granted by the board, though many duties are similar from state to state. The position of board executive director offers a well-motivated pharmacist several opportunities for a distinctly different practice of pharmacy. Interaction with policymakers at the state and national levels creates the ability to mold the direction of the profession, leading to a high level of professional satisfaction.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paki Manukau

<p><b>Policy that affects Māori is not new. It has existed since the first Europeans arrived in New Zealand. Some have been created where Māori are external to its development. Some have been developed based on engagement with Māori but have been influenced by a Eurocentric perspective. Yet others have been developed by Māori for Māori.</b></p> <p>This thesis presents some of the historical, social, and economic factors that have influenced the need for government and non-government organisations to develop policies that are more responsive to the needs and aspirations of Māori. It will also demonstrate that despite a myriad of policy, legislative, and strategic changes that have progressively shifted towards responsiveness to Māori, not much has been achieved statistically, highlighting a need for policies that are significantly different from that which has already been tried. In the current political climate, we find ourselves in an exciting time where the government is endorsing a more Māori worldview philosophy. One that acknowledges that previous policy, legislative and strategic change, has only been minimally effective. Moreover, one that understands that it is imperative to the wellbeing of Māori and, by extension, the social development of New Zealand to develop new policies that will make a significant and lasting positive change for Māori.</p> <p>This thesis aims to understand why organisations find it necessary to develop Māori responsive policies and how Māori policy is formulated and implemented in the current political climate. The associated aims are to identify commonalities and best practices in the development of Māori policy and understand what Māori policymaking involves.</p> <p>This thesis will analyse two examples of Māori policy development and implementation: one from a government agency, the Ministry of Social Development (MSD) and one from a non-governmental organisation, WellStop. MSD and WellStop have proposed to move beyond the perfunctory use of tīkanga and te reo Māori within their organisations and embark on a journey of engagement to embed a Māori worldview, values and processes across the whole of their organisations from leadership to frontline. For MSD, which is one of the largest government organisations in New Zealand, this is no small feat, and WellStop, while it is a smaller organisation, is an industry leader for their sector in combating harmful sexual behaviour.</p> <p>What underpins the process of developing their Māori responsive policies is vitally important. With this in mind, this thesis includes first-hand accounts from Hohepa Patea, the Principal Māori Advisor for MSD, and Mark King, the Chief Executive Officer for WellStop. Their contribution to this thesis has revealed many commonalities in the development of the Māori policies for both organisations.</p> <p>The findings show that while MSD has been influenced to develop policies that are responsive to Māori due to governmental aspirations to address Māori social and economic conditions reflected in negative statistics, WellStop is influenced by the parameters set by the expectations of government organisations, the standards set by Level 2 accreditation (Ministry of Social Development, 2020 (a)), and professional registration bodies (Social Workers Registration Board, n.d. (1); New Zealand Association of Counsellors - Te Roopu Kaiwhiriwhiri o Aotearoa, n.d. (3)). I will elaborate on the similarities in the stages of development in each organisations’ policies: the use of whakataukī and karakia, whose inspirational words anchor their policies in mātauranga Māori; the establishment of strong Māori leadership, knowledgeable in mātauranga Māori and tīkanga to ensure the policies’ cultural efficacy and to drive the mauri of the policies from the top down; researching each organisations’ previous and current policies that pertain to Māori to understand the past and develop more effective policies; and finally, the merit of utilising tīkanga processes when engaging with Māori staff, whānau, hapū and iwi.</p> <p>What cannot be denied is the influence of Hohepa and Mark’s background knowledge of mātauranga Māori and their heart and drive to see their organisations operate from a Te Ao Māori perspective. Regardless of other influences, they intend to make spaces and places better for Māori whānau who access their services. Hohepa and Mark are clear that embedding a Māori worldview and values across their organisations is the primary focus. One of the most crucial common denominators in both organisations’ policies is a clear understanding of the importance of keeping people front of mind to ensure that the policies are developed with a powerful sense of manaakitanga and kaitiakitanga.</p> <p>He aha te mea nui i tenei Āo? Māku e kī atu.</p> <p>He tangata! He tangata! He tangata!Nā Meri Ngāroto</p>


Animals ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (12) ◽  
pp. 3504
Author(s):  
Katherine E. Littlewood ◽  
Ngaio J. Beausoleil

Veterinarians are animal health experts. More recently, they have been conferred a leading role as experts in animal welfare. This expectation of veterinarians as welfare experts appears to stem from their training in veterinary medicine as well as professional contributions to welfare-relevant policy and law. Veterinarians are ideally situated to act as animal welfare experts by virtue of their core work with animals and potential influence over owners, their roles in policy development, compliance, and monitoring, and as educators of future veterinarians. However, since its inception as a discipline over 70 years ago, animal welfare science has moved beyond a two-dimensional focus on nutrition and health (biological functioning) towards an understanding that the mental experiences of animals are the focus of welfare consideration. The Five Domains Model is a structured and systematic framework for more holistically considering conditions that contribute to the animal’s internal state and its perception of its external situation, and the resultant mental experiences. The Model can be used to better align veterinary animal welfare expertise with contemporary understanding of animal welfare science and improve welfare literacy within the veterinary profession. Improved understanding of animal welfare science is likely to lead to increased confidence, competence, and empowerment to act as experts in their daily lives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146-176
Author(s):  
Asbjørn Røiseland ◽  
Eva Sørensen ◽  
Jacob Torfing

In this chapter we sum up and conclude the book. In the first part we summarize the four paradoxes that have structured the book. The four paradoxes relate to conflict, administration, openness and democracy. We then discuss the national Norwegian framework for local government, and to what extent and how changes in for example national legislation can influence on the paradoxes and the tensions related to them. The third and last section focusses on the local level, and discusses how political leaders, individually as well as a collective, can strengthen their political leadership through different activities at different arenas for learning. In a brief and subsequent chapter, we give a practical example on how this may be organized.


Author(s):  
Andrea Chandler

Since 2004, governments in a number of countries have initiated tense political debates over the question of whether religious symbols should be permitted in public places. Frequently, such debates have focussed on the head and face coverings worn by many observant Muslim women, as has been explored by a rich scholarly literature. However, relatively little has been written about the specific reasons why these laws have been adopted, and few cross-national comparisons have been made. This paper will examine the following cases: first, the law against wearing face coverings in France, adopted during Nicolas Sarkozy’s presidency in 2010; and second, the extensive debates about access to government services for people wearing religious clothing in Québèc (Canada). Finally, the paper will examine the distinct case of Russia, where high court decisions have revealed a reversal in the authorities’ former tolerance of the wearing of head coverings in public places. Three variables help to explain why these laws came upon the political agenda in these admittedly very different countries. First, all three adopted previous measures to limit citizens’ ability to don face coverings during political protests; second, these countries’ choices influenced each other, showing the importance that global influences can play in policy formation; and finally, political leaders attempted to use laws on face and head coverings as a strategy to reinforce their power. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.230  


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 164-233
Author(s):  
Murendehle Mulheva Juwayeyi

The nomination by Pres. Donald J. Trump of Michael Pack as the Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM), the agency that oversees the Voice of America (VOA) and other civilian international broadcasters, was politically controversial. Democratic senators feared that if confirmed, Pack would pursue a partisan political agenda through the broadcasters because he was a known associate of President Trump’s former chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon. This study shows that fears that a president could use government agencies to advance a partisan political agenda emerged long ago when the government first started establishing information agencies, such as the Committee on Public Information (CPI) and the Office of War Information (OWI). Such fears are likely to continue.


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