Religion, Violence, and the State

2018 ◽  
pp. 226-262
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman

This chapter focuses on religio-political violence, whose widespread incidence—after Pakistan's realignment in the US-led War on Terror in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent rise of a new, Pakistani Taliban—has threatened the very fabric of state and society. It examines the violence in question from two broad and intertwined perspectives, one relating to the state, and the other to Islam and those speaking in its terms. Part of the concern in this chapter is to contribute to an understanding of how the governing elite and the military have often fostered the conditions in which the resort to religiously inflected violence has been justified. It also suggests that the nonstate actors—ideologues and militants—have had an agency of their own, which is not reducible to the machinations of the state. Their resort to relevant facets of the Islamic tradition also needs to be taken seriously in order to properly understand their view of the world and such appeal as they have had in particular circles.

Author(s):  
Stephen Muzzatti

The themes of terrorism and counter-terrorism have infused the America media’s cultural production for several decades. These popular culture products were designed first for consumption by domestic audiences but also for export to audiences throughout the world, quickly assuming a role in US cultural imperialism. Much of this production took the form of news reports about political turmoil, sectarian violence and liberation, independence or nationalist movements—almost always occurring “somewhere else” in the world. Still others appeared as fictional narratives embedded within diverse entertainment genres such as political thrillers, war, sci-fi, romance and suspense, sometimes in a lifeworld that paralleled that of the domestic audience. But more often than not this production took the form of lifeworlds mimicking foreign lands, mythical pasts, or dystopian futures. Popular culture’s tales of terrorism and counter-terrorism maintained this relatively stable pattern for much of the last quarter of the 20th century. Al-Qaeda’s terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001 considerably impacted that narrative pattern, and while not fundamentally changing the script, this attack resulted in significant rewrites. To begin, the portrayal of terrorism and the War on Terror, both real and fictionalized, became the central theme in a great deal of popular culture, including television programs, feature films, PC/video games, YouTube videos, advertisements, popular music, and of course, the news. These mediated texts—in essence, stories that the US cultural industries tell about terrorism and the state’s attempts to fight it—reconstituted the social reality of terrorism and counter-terrorism. In the immediate aftermath of al-Qaeda’s attacks, the American cultural industries increasingly served as a conduit for US hegemony, both at home and abroad. While there is a long history of arm’s-length cooperation between the state and the entertainment industry in the production of popular culture products that can be traced back to the early 1930s, the immediate post-9/11 period heralded an era of not only more terrorism and counter-terrorism narratives but also narratives whose content changed incrementally (but ultimately markedly) largely as a result of the state’s direct involvement in crafting them. Chief among the changes was the streamlining of a narrative that emphasized the growing ubiquity of terrorist threats to the American people on US soil. Indeed, in the lifeworlds created by post-9/11 popular culture, terrorism and counter-terrorism are no longer things that happen primarily or exclusively elsewhere. America’s business interests abroad, its embassies and military installations, are no longer the only likely targets of terrorist activity. These traditional targets have been augmented by many others, including iconic buildings in major cities, national monuments, and critical infrastructure—as well as by more mundane parts of the US landscape, such as schools, sports stadiums, amusement parks, and shopping malls. Like that espoused by the state, the culture industries’ narrative is clear; no one is safe from terrorism. Predictably, the narrative shift that amplified the danger, barbarism, and proliferation of the terrorist threat was complimented by one which aggrandized the counter-terrorist efforts of the United States. In popular culture’s various lifeworlds counter-terrorism strategies, no matter how extreme, are understood as reasonable and legitimate. The narratives, comprised almost wholly of fetishized presentations of military, national security, and law enforcement agents with state- of-the-art weaponry dispatching terrorists with deadly force, provide virtually no political or socio-historical context and offer no alternative to resolving conflicts other than the unfettered use of state violence. As such, popular culture’s presentation of terrorism and counter-terrorism serves to provide the resolution that the real-world War on Terror promised but did not deliver, while at the same time contributing to a narrative that demands its continuation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.


Author(s):  
Avinash Paliwal

The Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha in March 2001 outraged India (and the world). It killed any scope for conciliation with the Taliban. In this context, the US decision to take military action in Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks was welcomed by many in India. However, Washington’s decision to undertake such action without UN approval (which came only in December 2001) sparked another round of debate between the partisans and the conciliators. As this chapter shows, the former were enthusiastic about supporting the US in its global war on terror, but the latter advocated caution given Washington’s willingness to partner with Islamabad. Despite the global trend to ‘fight terrorism’, the conciliators were successful in steering India away from getting involved in Afghanistan militarily.


Author(s):  
José Duke S. Bagulaya

Abstract This article argues that international law and the literature of civil war, specifically the narratives from the Philippine communist insurgency, present two visions of the child. On the one hand, international law constructs a child that is individual and vulnerable, a victim of violence trapped between the contending parties. Hence, the child is a person who needs to be insulated from the brutality of the civil war. On the other hand, the article reads Filipino writer Kris Montañez’s stories as revolutionary tales that present a rational child, a literary resolution of the dilemmas of a minor’s participation in the world’s longest-running communist insurgency. Indeed, the short narratives collected in Kabanbanuagan (Youth) reveal a tension between a minor’s right to resist in the context of the people’s war and the juridical right to be insulated from the violence. As their youthful bodies are thrown into the world of the state of exception, violence forces children to make the choice of active participation in the hostilities by symbolically and literally assuming the roles played by their elders in the narrative. The article concludes that while this narrative resolution appears to offer a realistic representation and closure, what it proffers is actually a utopian vision that is in tension with international law’s own utopian vision of children. Thus, international law and the stories of youth in Kabanbanuagan provide a powerful critique of each other’s utopian visions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Destiny Eze Agwanwo ◽  
Ibrahim Bello

Governance, the world over, has become the main framework for assessing the effective utilization of human and material resources for the development of a nation or an organization. This paper explores the link between governance failure, violence and its implication for internal security in Rivers State. The level of violence in the state is high and increasing particularly since 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule. Violence such as inter and intra communal conflicts, cult violence, armed robbery, kidnapping, political violence among others, now writ large in the state. The study utilized the qualitative and content analysis. The paper reveals that the pervasive nature of violence with negative effect on the internal security is the fall out of the failure of the governance in the state. The paper recommends, among other things that, good governance is a tool for empowering the people, which in turn, will reduce unemployment, poverty, marginalization and the recourse to violent aggression in the state.


Author(s):  
Brendan May

Analytic philosophy has come to dominate modern academic thought.  It is a method of study that attempts to solve problems through a logical analysis of the terms in which they are expressed.  In many ways, analytic philosophy strives not to discover new metaphysical or supernatural truths.  Rather, it is meant to provide a deeper understanding of existing truths.  This strain of philosophy, I believe, sets forth exactly those goals and methods of thinking upon which philosophy should concentrate.  The investigation and clarification of the state of the world, whether through logic, metaphysics, value theory, or epistemology, is an invaluable development that is best suited to philosophical analysis.   However, this restricted focus means that something must pick up where philosophy leaves off.  The solutions to any potential problems or shortcomings necessarily imposed on analytic philosophy need to be found within a different realm of study.  This support to philosophy can be found in the study of English, or literature.  Neither realm of thought is more inherently valuable.  Each is needed for different reasons, and each relies on the other.  Philosophy needs literature to enter the modes of thought into which it cannot validly stray.  Literature needs philosophy to provide a stable base of thought from which it can imaginatively expand.  In short, no set of ideas can stand alone, and the rise of analytic philosophy has made its discipline’s role extremely clear.  It has also made evident the fact that philosophy’s greatest ally and clearest counterpart is literature.  


2009 ◽  
pp. 5-46
Author(s):  
Silvio Ferrari

- An examination of a country's Constitution offers useful pointers for understanding how the state in question conceives and regulates its relationship with religion. In this essay, the author analyses the constitutions of all the countries of the world, considering three groups of enactments: the ones that concern a constitution's inspiring ideals and principles, the ones that deal with the sources of law and, lastly, the ones that regulate the relationships between the state and religions. An examination of this material paints a picture of the position accorded to religion in each country's legal system and above all highlights the differences attributed to the cultural and religious background that inspires them: in particular, the differences between the Western countries with a Christian tradition and the Arabian countries with an Islamic tradition, but also the differences found, within the Islamic world itself, between Arabian and non-Arabian countries. While recognising that any comparison between constitutions needs to be completed by an analysis of other sources of legislation and jurisprudence, this article indicates several directions for future research to develop on this work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 297-343
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

Chapter 8 explores what happened to the US military’s black-white lines as American troops moved overseas. On the one hand, the US military transplanted these lines all around the world. While not identical to those on the home front, they also took multiple forms, involving everything from jobs and dances to courts-martial and minstrel performances. They also stemmed from the military’s paradoxical goals of winning a war for democracy while at the same time protecting white supremacy. On the other hand, fully achieving this latter goal became more difficult overseas because of locals’ warm relations with black Americans, the black-white comradeship of some American GIs, and the activism of black troops. Taken together, these developments chipped away at the black-white divide. At war’s end, Jim Crow in uniform was far from dead, but it lay moderately wounded just the same.


NUTA Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Rameshwor Upadhyay

This paper highlighted Nepalese statelessness issue from Nationality perspective. Nationality is one of the major human rights concerns of the citizens. In fact, citizenship is one of the major fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution. According to the universal principle related to the statelessness, no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his or her nationality. In this connection, on one hand, this paper traced out the international legal obligations created by the conventions to the state parties in which state must bear the responsibility for making national laws to comply with the international instruments. On the other hand, this paper also appraised statelessness related lacunae and shortcomings seen in Municipal laws as well as gender discriminatory laws that has been supporting citizens to become statelessness. By virtue being a one of the modern democratic states in the world, it is the responsibility of the government to protect and promote human rights of the citizens including women and children. Finally, this paper suggests government to take necessary initiation to change and repeal the discriminatory provisions related to citizenship which are seen in the constitution and other statutory laws.


Author(s):  
Michael Lauener

Abstract Protection of the church and state stability through the absence of religious 'shallowness': views on religion-policy of Jeremias Gotthelf and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel out of a spirit of reconciliation. The article re-examines a thesis of Paul Baumgartner published in 1945: "Jeremias Gotthelf's, 'Zeitgeist and Bernergeist', A Study on Introduction and Interpretation", that if the Swiss writer and keen Hegel-opponent Jeremias Gotthelf had read any book of the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, some of this would have received his recognition. Both Gotthelf and Hegel see the Reformation to be the cause of the emergence of a strong state. For Gotthelf, this marks the beginning of a process of strengthening the state at the expense of the church. Hegel, on the other hand, considers the modern state to be the reality of freedom, produced by the Christian 'religion of freedom' (Rph, §270 Z., p. 430). In contrast to Gotthelf, for whom only Christ can reconcile the state and religion, Hegel praises the French Revolution as "reconciliation of the divine with the world". For Gotthelf, the French Revolution was only a poor imitation of the process of spiritual and political liberation initiated by the Reformation, through which Christ reduced people to their original liberty. Nevertheless, both Gotthelf and Hegel want to protect the state and the church from falling apart, they reject organizational unity of state – religion – church in the sense of a theocracy, and demand the protection of church communities.


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