State-Minority Contestations in Post-colonial Sri Lanka

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Didin Hadi Saputra ◽  
Lalu Putra Muhlis ◽  
Mikyarul Ilmy ◽  
Agus Suparno ◽  
M. Nasuhi ◽  
...  

Government governance that will lead to a good level must be continuously promoted and advertised. This campaign must be continuously carried out in order to create a clean and authoritative government and produce dignified officials. The implementation of good govenance is one of the best concepts of offering a system in democracy. The purpose of this research is to find out how the implementation of good services carried out by the state civil apparatus (ASN) in order to create a clean, dignified and good government. The method used in this research is a deft interview, namely in-depth research or qualitative research. Large organizations that run a bureaucratic system will usually have strict procedures, regulations and rules so that their operational processes tend to be less flexible. Today's bureaucracy is found in government organizations, hospitals, companies, schools, and the military.


2018 ◽  
pp. 226-262
Author(s):  
Muhammad Qasim Zaman

This chapter focuses on religio-political violence, whose widespread incidence—after Pakistan's realignment in the US-led War on Terror in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent rise of a new, Pakistani Taliban—has threatened the very fabric of state and society. It examines the violence in question from two broad and intertwined perspectives, one relating to the state, and the other to Islam and those speaking in its terms. Part of the concern in this chapter is to contribute to an understanding of how the governing elite and the military have often fostered the conditions in which the resort to religiously inflected violence has been justified. It also suggests that the nonstate actors—ideologues and militants—have had an agency of their own, which is not reducible to the machinations of the state. Their resort to relevant facets of the Islamic tradition also needs to be taken seriously in order to properly understand their view of the world and such appeal as they have had in particular circles.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.M. Mohamed ◽  
◽  
M.L. De Silva ◽  
K.G.A.S. Waidyasekera ◽  
◽  
...  

Road projects are experiencing huge delays in Sri Lanka due to utility relocation, delays in releasing payments, design changes during construction phase, price escalation and land acquisition to accommodate utility relocation. In some instances, contract of utility projects was awarded when road works were nearing completion. There is no sound legislation that exists defining the powers, rights and obligations of Roads and Utility authorities. As a result, Roads Authorities in Sri Lanka are obliged to pay all costs associated with the above impacts, along with extension of time due to such delays from the allocated funds for road works. This has been causing burden to the project scope and impacting the economy of Sri Lanka. As such, it is important to identify suitable remedial measures to mitigate such impacts during the design and construction stages. Qualitative research method was adopted through the inductive process by selecting purposive samples of experts for semi structured in-depth interviews. In addition, more data was collected through documents review. This study revealed that the knowledge gap in the sector to identify and recommended remedial measures for impacts caused by utility works in road projects in Sri Lanka.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 1261-1272
Author(s):  
Mufidah Mufidah ◽  
Djawahir Hejazziey ◽  
Novi Yuspita Sari

Article 29 paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that "the State is based on the One Supreme Godhead." This means that the state has given legitimacy to Islamic law as formal law in the Indonesian constitutional system. Islamic law has a great opportunity to be formalized into regulations, because the majority of Indonesians are Muslims. Perda Syariah itself in its journey has shown significant developments. There have been 433 regional regulations issued in Indonesia since 1998, however, these regional regulations with Islamic nuances have generated pro-contra attitudes from various parties. This study uses a qualitative research method with a literature approach. The results of the study state that there are still some parties who feel that regional regulations were born only as political needs that are less effective in their implementation, and others think that sharia regulations are an effort to regulate people's behavior so that they are in accordance with living norms.Keywords: Sharia Regional Regulation; Regional Autonomy; Formalization of Islamic Law Abstrak: Pasal 29 ayat 1 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menyatakan bahwa “Negara berdasarkan atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.” Artinya negara telah memberikan legitimasi hukum Islam sebagai hukum formal dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Hukum Islam memiliki peluang yang besar untuk diformalkan menjadi peraturan, karena mayoritas bangsa Indonesia adalah pemeluk agama Islam. Perda Syariah sendiri dalam perjalanannya telah menunjukkan perkembangan yang signifikan. Telah ada 433 Perda lahir di Indonesia sejak tahun 1998, namun Perda-perda bernuansa Islam tersebut menimbulkan sikap pro-kontra dari berbagai pihak. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan literatur. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa masih ada sebagian pihak merasa bahwa Perda lahir hanya sebagai kebutuhan politik yang kurang efektif dalam pelaksanaannya, dan  sebagian lain beranggapan bahwa Perda syariah adalah sebuah upaya untuk menertibkan perilaku masyarakat agar sesuai dengan norma-norma yang hidup.Kata Kunci: Perda Syariah; Otonomi Daerah; Formalisasi Hukum Islam


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil ◽  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki ◽  
Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha ◽  
Vimalasiri Kamalasiri

This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure just and equitable development for all Sri Lankans. This study uses a qualitative research approach that involves analysis of critical categories. Findings of this study offer some crucial insights about Sri Lanka’s ethnic politics, particularly, the various factors have influenced the state to avoid inclusive policies. The key factor is the dilemma of post-independent political culture or traditions amongst ruling elites resulted in the avoidance of inclusive policies. This study also reveals some other factors that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society still prevail in Sri Lanka, hampering the institution of inclusive policies. Further, the paper highlights the failure of India and the International Community to pressurize the state of Sri Lanka to introduce inclusive mechanisms due to international power balance (China factor).


Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mouataz El Esrawi

This is a study on Egypt’s brief interlude of civilian rule that lasted for just over a year between June 2012 and July 2013. In June 2012, Mohamed Morsi, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), ascended to the presidency in what was hitherto Egypt’s most democratic election. Morsi, the first civilian to hold the highest office in the state, was ousted from power in July 2013 in a military coup that was led by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. This study seeks to explain the downfall of the Morsi regime, through emphasizing the dynamic interplay of three factors: 1) the regime’s mismanagement of relations with powerful and autonomous state institutions (particularly the military) and with broad segments of Egyptian society; 2) its inability to reverse the deterioration in Egypt’s economic performance; and 3) its mishandling of Egypt’s external relations with powerful regional and international players. The thesis contends that while none of the aforementioned factors singlehandedly explains why Egypt’s democratic experiment under Morsi (imperfect as it was) fumbled, their complex interplay created a powerful platform that the military, and its allies within the state and society, exploited to bring down Morsi and the MB. The thesis hopes to contribute to the literature on the domestic and international conditions that can often lead to the faltering of democratic transitions. Keywords: Egypt,


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 1277-1315 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICHOLAS J. WHITE

AbstractDrawing principally upon a rich vein of previously unexploited business records, this paper analyses the experience of British firms in Indonesia between the achievement of independence and the beginnings of the Suharto regime. As in The Netherlands East Indies, British enterprises occupied a significant position in post-colonial Indonesia in plantations, oil extraction, shipping, banking, the import-export trade, and manufacturing. After the nationalization of Dutch businesses from the end of 1957, Britain emerged as the leading investing power in the archipelago alongside the United States. However, during Indonesia's Confrontation with British-backed Malaysia (1963–1966), most UK-owned companies in the islands were subject to a series of torrid (albeit temporary) takeovers by the trade unions and subsequently various government authorities. Most of these investments were returned to British ownership under Suharto after 1967. But, in surviving the Sukarno era, British firms had endured 15 years of increasing inconvenience and insecurity trapped in a power struggle within Indonesia's perplexing plural polity (and particularly between the Communist Party and the military). Indeed, the Konfrontasi takeovers themselves, varying in intensity from region to region and from firm to firm, were indicative of deep fissures within Indonesian administration and politics. The unpredictable and unsettled political economy of post-colonial Indonesia meant that the balance of advantage lay not with transnational enterprise but with the host state and society.


Author(s):  
Ian Taylor

Since the 1960s, there have been more than 200 coups—extra-constitutional or forced changes in government—in Africa, with around half of them being successful. The period between the 1960s and 1990s was characterized by Cold War machinations, economic crises, and the growing de-legitimization of many post-colonial regimes. The majority of coups were followed by the formation of some type of military government, but after this diverse outcomes resulted. ‘The military in African politics’ outlines the nature of military rule and why there were so many coups. The fragility of the state and its tenuous hold on legitimacy, accentuated by the behaviour of those in power, is of critical importance.


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