scholarly journals IMPLEMENTASI DEMOKRASI DALAM PERANAN AHLU AL-HALLI WA AL-‘AQDI

ASAS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (01) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Iskandar Syukur
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Great Strength ◽  
Legislative Body ◽  
The People ◽  
Muslim Scholars

This paper discusses the implementation of democracy in the role of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-'Aqdi. It is a representative institution (legislative body) of various elements in society and given some authorities to accommodate and carry out people's aspirations; starting from the matter of electing/appointing state leaders until making laws to regulate other matters related to the interests of the state and the people. In setting a case, the Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-'Aqdi institution, firstly, must be based on the provisions of Allah SWT and His Prophet and, secondly, based on deliberation in line with the provisions of Allah SWT or according to the spirits/values of Islam/Shari'ah. Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi's membership consists of people who have great strength both in terms of personality and expertise. However, Muslim scholars differ on the number of members of this institution in the context of electing/appointing state leaders. By discussing the existence of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi as a representative institution, and it always prioritizes the process of deliberation in deciding all cases that become under its authority, then the existence and role of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi institution are parts of the democratic process.Key Words: Demokrasi, Peranan, Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-‘Aqdi

Reflections from the Margins: Complexities, Transitions and Developmental Challenges - The Case of the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Eastern Cape ◽  
The People ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Leadership Accountability ◽  
Multiple Challenges ◽  
Colonial Oppression

Since the dawn of colonialism in Southern Africa, the province of the Eastern Cape emerged as the cradle of African resistance against colonial oppression. A closer look at the province reveals opportunities for progress and ultimate resurgence of economic and social development, yet conflated by a myriad of challenges. This book brings together different perspectives and realities of the post-apartheid Eastern Cape to provide an in-depth exploration of the developmental dilemmas that the province faces. This book provides insightful reflections on development and its sustainability some 25 years since democracy, and specifically focuses on sociological and demographic realities in the areas of migration and its impact on families. The book further grapples with the role of the state in developing culture and heritage in the province, pointing to fundamental and multiple challenges of deprivation, unemployment and subsequent community resilience in a variety of sectors including health and education. While it provides a historical analysis of contextual issues facing the province, the book also highlights the agency of the people of the Eastern Cape in confronting challenges in leadership, accountability, citizen participation and service provision. The book will be useful for development scholars and practitioners who are interested in understanding the state of the province, and similar settings, and the degree to which it has emerged from the shadows of its colonial and apartheid legacies.

Illegal Construction in Hanoi and Hanoi's Wards

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Koh
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
State Boundaries ◽  
Urban Administration ◽  
Ability And Willingness

AbstractIn the drama of negotiation of state boundaries, the role of local administrators as mediators is indispensable. They mediate between state demands for more discipline and societal demands for more liberties. Their ability and willingness to enforce determines the extent of state power. They are a particular type of elites chosen by the state to administer; yet often they have an irrational and morally corrupt relationship with their subjects. The questions that arise then are: When do the local administrators decide to or not to enforce the rules? What considerations do they hold in the face of contradicting demands for their loyalties? This paper seeks answers to the above questions by examining state enforcement of its construction rules in Hanoi after 1975, in which the ward, a level of local administrators in the urban administration landscape, plays an important role in holding up (or letting down) the fences. I will examine the irrationality of the housing regime that led to widespread offences against construction rules, and then show why and how local administrators may or may not enforce rules. This paper comprises two parts. The first part outlines the nature and history of the housing regime in Vietnam and the situation of state provision of housing to the people. These provide the context in which illegal construction arises. Part Two looks at illegal construction in Hanoi chronologically, and focuses on important episodes. The theme that runs through this paper is the role of local administrators in the reality of illegal construction.

scholarly journals KONSEP WELLFARE STATE DI INDONEISA

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Winda Roselina Effendi
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Services ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Market Economy System ◽  
Economy System

Walfare State concept born in the era of the 20th century as a correction of the development of the concept of the country as night watchman, the phenomenon of economic capitalism that gradually leads to lameness in the distribution of sources of prosperity. In the Walfare State concept, the state is required to extend its responsibility to the socio-economic problems facing the people. The functions of the state also include activities that were previously beyond the scope of state functions, such as extending the provision of social services to individuals and families in specific matters, such as social security. The role of the state can not be separated with Welfare State because the state that plays a role in managing the economy which includes the responsibility of the state to ensure the availability of basic welfare services in certain levels. Welfare State does not reject the existence of a capitalist market economy system but believes that there are elements in the public order that are more important than market objectives and can only be achieved by controlling and limiting the operation of such market mechanisms.Keywords: walfare state, country, economic systemKonsep Walfare State yang lahir di era abad ke-20 sebagai koreksi berkembangnya konsep negara sebagai penjaga malam, gejala kapitalisme perekonomian yang secara perlahan-lahan menyebabkan terjadinya kepincangan dalam pembagian sumber-sumber kemakmuran bersarma. Dalam konsep Walfare State, negara dituntut untuk memperluas tanggung jawabnya kepada masalah-masalah sosial ekonomi yang dihadapi rakyat. Fungsi negara juga meliputi kegiatan-kegiatan yang sebelumnya berada diluar jangkauan fungsi negara, seperti memperluas ketentuan pelayanan sosial kepada individu dan keluarga dalam hal-hal khusus, seperti social security, kesehatan.  Peran negara tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan Welfare State karena negara yang berperan dalam mengelola perekonomian yang yang di dalamnya mencakup tanggung jawab negara untuk menjamin ketersediaan pelayanan kesejahteraan dasar dalam tingkat tertentu. Welfare State tidak menolak keberadaan sistem ekonomi pasar kapitalis tetapi meyakini bahwa ada elemen-elemen dalam tatanan masyarakat yang lebih penting dari tujuan-tujuan pasar dan hanya dapat dicapai dengan mengendalikan dan membatasi bekerjanya mekanisme pasar tersebut. Kata Kunci: walfare state, negara,sistem ekonomi 

الشعب‎ يريد‎ اسقاط‎ النظام‎ “The People Want to Overthrow the Regime”

2019 ◽  
pp. 46-73
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Breaking Point ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Features ◽  
Security Organizations

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.

PANTELEIMON KULISH AS A LITERARY CRITIC: FEATURES OF STYLE

2020 ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
T. I. Kononchuk
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Literary Critic ◽  
Polish Literature ◽  
The People ◽  
National Spirit ◽  
History Of ◽  
Time Requirements ◽  
Literature Culture ◽  
Main Factor

The article deals with the work of Panteleimon Kulish (1819–1897) as a literary critic. Here is analyzed his article about Hryhoriy Kvitka-Osnovianenko, which was published in 1858 in St. Petersburg in a separate brochure. It has been found out that consideration of the writer’s creativity in the historical and world context, conclusion of generalizations, clarification of the most characteristic aesthetic features of the analyzed works, view on creativity through the author’s biography, journalism, emotionality, argumentation are characteristic for style of Kulish as a literary critic. At the beginning of the article, Kulish talks about the place and role of literature in society. He draws attention to the development and level of literature in the context of the historical development of the state. He gives examples from different literatures and concludes that the development of culture does not always go hand in hand with the development of the state. The author says that the opposite is the case: the decline of a state or kingdom is observed, and at the same time, literature, culture is developing. P. Kulish gives examples from Czech, Polish literature. These facts are important to him because he sees the same in Ukrainian literature. Kulish speaks about literature as a national spirit living in the artistic word. He emphasizes that literature is the key to being a nation. Analyzing the work of H. Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, P. Kulish draws attention to the language of works as the main factor of the text, because of which language appears as a representation of the national spirit, as a guarantee of prosperity of the people. He emphasizes that through literature the people manifest their mission of philanthropy. The works of H. Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, writes P. Kulish, have appeared during difficult years, and show national spirit, they are organic with time requirements. The author briefly describes the biography of H. Kvitka-Osnovyanenko. The journalistic style is characteristic of him. P. Kulish explains where H. Kvitka got his knowledge of the Ukrainian language, why he was so respectful to religion, which later became one of the central themes in his work. In analyzing H. Kvitka-Osnovyanenko’s stories, P. Kulish emphasizes moral and ethical aspects. According to one article by Panteleimon Kulish, we see that he is an interesting critic. His text contains a lot of information, generalizations, reveals typical in the history of peoples and cultures.

scholarly journals FOLKLORE: AN INSTRUMENT OF CONFLICT PREVENTION, TRANSFORMATION AND RESOLUTION IN THE ETHIOPIAN CONTEXT

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-185
Author(s):  
G T Bahta
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Material Objects ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The People ◽  
International Human ◽  
Linguistic Groups ◽  
Psychological Dimensions

The article assesses the role of folklore in the form of verbal, ritual and material objects as a means of customary dispute prevention, transformation and resolution in selected ethnic groups in Ethiopia. Samples of oral narratives in the form of proverbs, myths and legends from the Amhara, Tigray, Oromo and Issa linguistic groups are found to have cohesive functions that reiterate harmony among the respective communities and individuals prior to conflicts; conciliatory and mediatory functions during inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic or personal conflicts; and lastly, compensatory functions after conflicts. The familiarity of the content in the narratives and the beauty of the language of the mediators, usually the elders, transform the state of enmity into the state of tolerance and recompense. The pre-reconciliation, reconciliation and post-reconciliation rituals usually accompanied by animal sacrifice, as well as the venues of the rituals (usually river banks and under trees), create a local colour that foreground a feeling of exoneration, absolution, communalism as well as commitment to discontinue blood feuds. The material objects mostly used during the reconciliation rituals, such as Tabots, crosses and other relics of the Orthodox Church, Kalacha, boku, Chachu, Siniqee and Hanfala of the Oromo have a frightening effect on the people who want to redress damages by force. The widest usage of folkloric elements for conflict prevention, resolution and transformation is found to have a consoling and therapeutic effect on the material and psychological dimensions of conflict. On the other hand, it is suggested that concerned bodies should preserve and make use of such rich folkloric heritage that conform with the constitution of the country and international human right conventions.

scholarly journals La estrategia del Estado Chileno a la problemática de las violencias contra las mujeres (2005-2014)

2017 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Angélica María Gómez Medina ◽  
Fabiola Miranda Perez
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Main Issue ◽  
Option Value ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The People ◽  
The Law ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
Domination Relation ◽  
Local Levels

<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>Este artículo busca mostrar los efectos de la incursión del Estado chileno en la lucha contra las violencias hacia las mujeres en el ámbito doméstico. Para esto acudimos a dispositivos legales y políticos. Se mostrará el rol de las instituciones de justicia y del Servicio Nacional de la Mujer (SERNAM) en tanto que instrumentos de atención y protección a las personas afectadas por la problemática, durante los gobiernos de Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010) y de Sebastián Piñera (2010-2014). Durante el desarrollo del análisis, se caracterizará cómo entra en tensión el enfoque familiarista de la ley con los dispositivos propuestos por el Estado. Avanzando que el género como categoría crítica si bien es invisibilizado, de igual modo aparece como ordenador de relaciones de poder y dominación. Lo anterior ocurre tanto en la construcción de la legislación, como en la intervención de la problemática en niveles locales.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article seeks to show the effects of the incursion of Chilean State in the struggle against violence towards women in the domestic sphere. For this, we focus on political and legal devices. We will show the role of the Courts of Justice and National Women’s Service (SERNAM) as instruments of attention and protection for the people affected by the issue, during the latest governments of Michelle Bachelet (2006 – 2010) and Sebastian Piñera (2010-2014). During the development of the analysis, it will be characterized how the familiarist approach of the law comes into tension with the devices proposed by the State. Stating that gender as a critical category, while being invisible, likewise appears as a power and domination relation ordering. 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scholarly journals Protesoptogte en die rol van die Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk

1991 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
I. W.C. Van Wyk
Keyword(s):  
Social Reality ◽  
The State ◽  
Magic Formula ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Church

Protest marches and the role of the Nederduitsch Hervonnde Church This artic le deals with the phenomenon of protest against the state. The fact that resistance and protest have always been part of social reality is pointed out. For this reason the state, particulary a democratic state, should provide scope for legitimate protest and protest marches. However, protest marches are not a magic formula for bringing about justice. Protest marches themselves are an extremely ambivalent matter. It is the responsibility of the church to guide the people and the nation in such a way that they will strive for attainable ideals within the bounds of possibility.

scholarly journals Monopoly of State-Owned Enterprise of Social Justice

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Rory Jeff Akyuwen
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
High Quality ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
General Benefit ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

The role of the state through BUMN becomes so important when it is formulated in a provision as formulated in Article 33 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, where the production branches which are important for the State and which affect the livelihood of the public must be controlled by Country. Here it indicates the authority of the State to participate in economic activities through the operation of production branches that can be categorized as important for the State and considered vital and strategic for the interest of the State.This is based on the reasons as formulated in the explanatory section of Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the benefits of the production branches do not fall into the hands of individuals, the State actively takes the role to cultivate it because the production branch is considered important and which control the livelihood of the people for the greatest prosperity of the people. State-Owned Enterprises is formed with the aim of contributing to the development of the national economy in general and the state's revenue in particular; The pursuit of profit; To hold general benefit in the form of providing goods and / or services of high quality and adequate for the fulfillment of the livelihood of the public; Pioneering business activities that have not yet been implemented by the private sector and cooperatives and actively providing guidance and assistance to weak economic entrepreneurs, cooperatives, and communities.SOEs are given the right to monopoly in the economic field which is considered to control the livelihood of many people.

scholarly journals State and national culture in P.B. Struve’s writings (on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of his birth)

2020 ◽  
pp. 94-107
Author(s):  
E.M. Amelina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
National Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian History ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
State Culture ◽  
The People ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Seamless Connection

The author analyzes the views of the famous philosopher, sociologist and politician Petr Struve, whose ideas have enduring relevance in view of the problems of maintaining state unity and developing both culture and national identity. The main object of this research is Struve’s views on the essence of the state and national culture and on their role in the life of Russia. It is indicated that the position of the thinker presupposed a certain historiosophy – an interpretation of history as a process of development of spiritual culture. The features of Peter Struve’s liberal-conservatism and his understanding of the state as a “collective personality”, possessing a “superintelligent” nature are considered. The philosopher’s approach, which aimed at analyzing the seamless connection between state, culture and nationality is analyzed. The author considers how the thinker interpreted the essence of nationality and nationalism, as well as criticized the radical intelligentsia’s “official nationalism” and “absence of a feeling of national belonging”. She examines the philosopher’s views on the outstanding role of the state in Russian history and his understanding of such “fatal” reasons of its destruction as the insufficient involvement of the cultivated elements of the nobility in the ruling of the state as well as the belated abolition of serfdom law. The author also explains Struve’s views on the slogan of class struggle as decisively contributing to the cultural decomposition of the nation and to undermining the unity of the state. She also addresses the views of P.B. Struve, G.P. Fedotov and S.L. Frank concerning the reasons why the sense of national identity was weak in Russia. She concludes that, according to Struve, one of the reasons for the revolutionary radical upheavals in the country was the fact that the radical intelligentsia sowed in the broad masses of the people the ideological poison of “anti-state rebellion” and the “spirit of Bolshevism”. This contributed to a weak demand for national-state ideals and liberal-conservative ideas.

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