scholarly journals MAKNA GERAK TORTOR MANGONDAS DALAM UPACARA KEMATIAN SAUR MATUA PADA MASYARAKAT BATAK TOBA DI KABUPATEN SAMOSIR

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rinda Turnip
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Foundation ◽  
Social Value ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sample Population ◽  
Field Observations ◽  
Good Luck ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Other World ◽  
The Village

Tortor Mangondas is an expression of sorrow that was created to meet the needsof indigenous meaningful honor the dead (and of the spirit / tondi man and tondithe first death) and is a communication between the real world and the other world(deceased) for application of this world can be given to the fathers and good luck /blessing of them can be given to people who live mainly heirs.This study aims tofind out what the meaning contained in Tortor Mangondas in Toba Batak society.The theoretical foundation of this research uses one theory, the theory of meaningand understanding tortor mangondas and death ceremonies.Location and time the research was conducted in Samosir and time for twomonths, the sample population figures there are some dancers and artists as wellas traditional leaders. The author conducted field observations, with videocapture, documentation, and conduct interviews with sources, as well as completethe data through research at the Village Siopat bill SamosirThe results based on the data that has been collected can be seen that TortorMangondas never appears solely as a form of dance in any society. But themotion-motion can still be explained the meaning of each movement performed.Tortor Mangondas created because someone who has died Saur matua not have achance to talk to the family to deliver the parting words and all expressions heartscontent. The social value as a society Batak Toba Mate Saur Matua wherebyTortor Mangondashasuhutan held with the objective of respect for parents and atthe same time submit a request to Mulajadi Nabolon prayer.

African Indigenous Religions

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter E.A. van Beek
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Indigenous Religion ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
The World ◽  
Other World ◽  
Indigenous Religions ◽  
The Village

There is not one African indigenous religion (AIR); rather, there are many, and they diverge widely. As a group, AIRs are quite different from the scriptural religions the world is more familiar with, since what is central to AIRs is neither belief nor faith, but ritual. Exemplifying an “imagistic” form of religiosity, these religions have no sacred books or writings and are learned by doing, by participation and experience, rather than by instruction and teaching. Belonging to specific local ethnic groups, they are deeply embedded in and informed by the various ecologies of foragers, pastoralists, and horticulturalists—as they are also by the social structures of these societies: they “dwell” in their cultures. These are religions of the living, not so much preparing for afterlife as geared toward meeting the challenges of everyday life, illness and misfortune, mourning and comforting—but also toward feasting, life, fertility, and togetherness, even in death. Quiet rituals of the family contrast with exuberant public celebrations when new adults re-enter the village after an arduous initiation; intricate ritual attention to the all-important crops may include tense rites to procure much needed rains. The range of rituals is wide and all-encompassing. In AIRs, the dead and the living are close, either as ancestors or as other representatives of the other world. Accompanied by spirits of all kinds, both good and bad, harmful and nurturing, existence is full of ambivalence. Various channels are open for communication with the invisible world, from prayer to trance, and from dreams to revelations, but throughout it is divination in its manifold forms that offers a window on the deeper layers of reality. Stories about the other world abound, and many myths and legends are never far removed from basic folktales. These stories do not so much explain the world as they entertainingly teach about the deep humanity that AIRs share and cherish.

KONSEP DIRI “ I “ DAN “ME” TOKOH HIROKO DALAM NOVEL NAMAKU HIROKO KARYA NH.DINI

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Besin Gaspar
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Main Character ◽  
Fictional Character ◽  
Social Customs ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

This research deals with the development of  self concept of Hiroko as the main character in Namaku Hiroko by Nh. Dini and tries to identify how Hiroko is portrayed in the story, how she interacts with other characters and whether she is portrayed as a character dominated by ”I” element or  ”Me”  element seen  from sociological and cultural point of view. As a qualitative research in nature, the source of data in this research is the novel Namaku Hiroko (1967) and the data ara analyzed and presented deductively. The result of this analysis shows that in the novel, Hiroko as a fictional character is  portrayed as a girl whose personality  develops and changes drastically from ”Me”  to ”I”. When she was still in the village  l iving with her parents, she was portrayed as a obedient girl who was loyal to the parents, polite and acted in accordance with the social customs. In short, her personality was dominated by ”Me”  self concept. On the other hand, when she moved to the city (Kyoto), she was portrayed as a wild girl  no longer controlled by the social customs. She was  firm and determined totake decisions of  her won  for her future without considering what other people would say about her. She did not want to be treated as object. To put it in another way, her personality is more dominated by the ”I” self concept.

IMPACT OF CYSTIC FIBROSIS ON FAMILY FUNCTIONING

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-71
Author(s):  
Juanita Turk
Keyword(s):  
Cystic Fibrosis ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
Psychological Functioning ◽  
Sick Child ◽  
The Other ◽  
Family Needs ◽  
Entire Family ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Family Service Agencies

This study was undertaken to determine whether families of children with cystic fibrosis were experiencing difficulties in meeting family needs and in maintaining normal family relationships. It was found that families were not deprived of the essentials of living, but they were not able to maintain their usual pattern of family relationships. Time and energy precluded carrying on activities with each other and with the children; and there was breakdown in their ability to communicate adequately between themselves and the children regarding important family issues. In order to preserve the family as a functioning unit, someone has to be concerned about the entire family. Of necessity, the family has focused on the sick child, leaving the physician, the nurse, the social worker and/or the social agencies to help the family refocus on its total situation, rather than just a part of it. Traditionally, the mother takes care of the sick child. It is she who takes the child to the doctor's office and is responsible for carrying out his recommendations. In the care of a CF child, she assumes a heavy burden and frequently is fatigued from this responsibility. Because she is so tired and so occupied, she may misunderstand or distort what she is told by the physician, and may not be able to tell her husband or the children what they need to know in order to participate in family activities and in the care of the CF child. This situation can easily lead to misunderstanding and tension within the family. To avoid this, both parents could be encouraged, at some point, to come together to the physician's office for discussion. Such discussions could lead to more consideration and appreciation being given to each other. It might lessen the tendency for each to blame the other for the child's illness and could avoid the feeling voiced by one mother, "I would like to blow him out of his chair so that he would help me and understand what I go through." We also need to realize that the CF child is frequently aware of the demands he makes on the family. If these demands are not discussed freely, then everyone is caught in a "web of silence" revolving around his own feelings of frustration. This creates a burden for everyone, including the CF child, and if not discussed it can impair the psychological functioning of all members. The CF child needs to be encouraged to participate in his own care program and to assume some responsibilities for himself. He should not reach the age of seven being unable to tie his own shoes or dress himself, as has been observed in some CF children. It would seem feasible, therefore, that the CF child should have an awareness of what is wrong with him, and what his abilities and limitations are. The other siblings should also be given as much explanation as possible because they, too, are part of the family and attention and care is being diverted from them. This explanation could make for more understanding on the sibling's part. While it would still be difficult for him to accept some of the decisions made (such as why the parents could not get home from the hospital in order for him to use the family car for a senior prom), he would know that it was the situation that was causing the decrease in attention and care rather than rejection of him by the parents. In order to give these families as much assistance as possible, the community's resources should be utilized. Frequently, the parents are unaware of these or need encouragement to avail themselves of services. The homemaker service or visiting nurse service could free the family from constant care; the local youth program could be helpful to the siblings in the family, and Family Service Agencies could be used for counseling on family problems. In summary, this study points up the need for the total family to have an understanding and awareness of CF and to share such knowledge with one another; that all problems of the family have to be considered and not just those of the CF child; and that help from other professional people should be utilized along with sources of the community.

scholarly journals Pengembalian Modal Usaha Program Komunitas Usaha Mikro Muamalat Berbasis Masjid Kota Bogor

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-30
Author(s):  
Kostia Digdaha ◽  
Rizal Syarief ◽  
MH Bintoro Djoefrie
Keyword(s):  
Social Value ◽  
Influential Factor ◽  
Significance Level ◽  
Finance Management ◽  
Family Factor ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Right ◽  
Capital Return

In the process of eradicating poverty, Bank Muamalat with the collaboration with the Baitul Maal Muamalat (BMM), has undertaken the Mosque Based Micro Muamalat Community Program (KUM3). The problem identified in the program is that many members of KUM3 cannot make a capital return at the right time, causing them to fail in re-threading the capital. This study aims to determine the factors that affect the KUM3 member’s capital returns. Investigations carried out in four districts in Bogor City namely the Community of Loji, Pamoyanan, Pasar Anyar and Situ Gede. Eight factors that might affect the business capital was studied i.e. the value of social capital, the theory, the economy, the religion, marketing, finance, management and technical. The method used in analysing the data is the multiple logistic model . The analysis obtained a good results  in the social value, theoretical value, the economy, the religion, marketing, finance, management , and technical for the  KUM3 participants in Bogor City.  The most influential factor in the return of capital is the social value. Two factors were studied in this value i.e. family factor and community factor. It  has a tendency to break on time 6.46 times faster with the value of the regression coefficient  1.946 and value of -p 0.010 (<0.05) compared to the social disadvantage significance level of 5% . The good social value has a tendency to break even at 7,000 times compared to the less good social value. Based on the comparison between the family factor and the community factor, both have an impact on the capital returns

scholarly journals Kepemimpinan Pemuda Dalam Program Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Untuk Meningkatkan Ketahanan Ekonomi Keluarga (Studi Kepemimpinan Wawan Yuanda di Desa Tumiyang, Kecamatan Kebasen, Kabupaten Banyumas, Provinsi Jawa Tengah)

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Helmy Shoim Pramudyarto ◽  
Armaidy Armawi ◽  
Bagus Riyono
Keyword(s):  
Family Business ◽  
Mixed Method ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Development Programs ◽  
Economic Resilience ◽  
Descriptive Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Village ◽  
Empowerment Program

ABSTRACTThe purpose of this study was to determined the leadership of Wawan Yuanda as a village chief in the community empowerment program through brick-making business and its implications for the the family economic resilience and to knew the obstacles faced in implementing community development programs such. This research was a descriptive model of mixed methods or mixed method using concurrent transformative strategies by collecting data at one stage / phase of the study and at the same time to got a description or picture of the social realities that existed in the community which was then used to analyzed the Village Chief of leadership in the community empowerment program and its implications on family economic resilience.The results showed that Wawan Yuanda as the village chief of Tumiyang Village had been successfully doing community empowerment program through making bricks. The success also had implications for villagers revenue thus increasing the economic resilience of the communities involved in the family business of making bricks.ABSTRAKTujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk mengetahui kepemimpinan Wawan Yuanda sebagai kepala desa dalam program pemberdayaan masyarakat melalui usaha pembuatan batu bata serta implikasinya terhadap ketahanan ekonomi keluarga dan untuk mengetahui hambatan yang dihadapi dalam melaksanakan program pemberdayaan masyarakat tersebut..Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan model metode campuran atau mixed method dengan menggunakan Strategi Transformatif Konkuren dengan mengumpulkan data pada satu tahap/fase penelitian dan pada waktu yang sama untuk mendapatkan deskripsi atau gambaran dari realitas sosial yang ada di masyarakat yang kemudian untuk mengungkap tentang kepemimpinan Kepala Desa dalam program pemberdayaan masyarakat dan implikasinya terhadap ketahanan ekonomi keluarga. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Wawan Yuanda selaku Kepala Desa Tumiyang telah berhasil melakukan program pemberdayaan masyarakat melalui usaha batu bata. Keberhasilan tersebut juga berimplikasi terhadap pendapatan masyarakat sehingga meningkatkan ketahanan ekonomi keluarga masyarakat yang terlibat dalam usaha pembuatan batu bata

scholarly journals M. Veller’s “The Great Last Chance”: Russian National Myths, Ideas, and Author’s View on the Problems

2015 ◽  
Vol 28 (33A) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Oleg Perov
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Negative Information ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Myths ◽  
The Social ◽  
East And West ◽  
Main Basis ◽  
Other World ◽  
Main Ideas ◽  
Logical Result

This article presents the analysis of the main ideas which are reflected in M. Veller’s novel The Great Last Chance. This is not only a reception of a definite country, a version of her historical way, the demonstration of cultural peculiarities, the own code of civilization, people’s traditions and faith, but also an original author’s view on the process of self-identification and logical result, i.e., the national myths and ideas. The main intention is to negotiate, refute many national myths: about complicated and bloody history; about laziness and hard drinking; about the opposition of East and West; about the peace-loving nation; about the underestimation from the other world. The author asserts that the Russian national idea is not liberal: the main basis is a national self-identification, the main traits are social justice and retribution for guilty. The main problems of the country are located in a definite range: from the global to the local (stealing, corruption, negative information field). The principal way to solve these problems is to aspirate to the social justice, labour, and creative works.

Three new species of copepods (Copepoda: Calanoida and Cyclopoida) from anchialine habitats in Indonesia

Zootaxa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3150 (1) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFF A. BOXSHALL ◽  
DAMIÀ JAUME
Keyword(s):  
New Species ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
Valid Species ◽  
Fine Scale ◽  
The Family ◽  
Two New Species ◽  
Three New Species ◽  
The Village ◽  
A New Species

Three new species of copepod crustaceans are described from material collected from anchialine and brackish habitats inand around the village of Walengkabola on the coast of Muna Island, to the southeast of Sulawesi. A new species of cy-clopoid, Paracyclopina sacklerae n. sp., was described from material collected from the tidal inflow entering into the bot-tom of sinkholes a few metres inland from the shoreline. Detailed comparisons are made with Paracyclopina orientalis(Lindberg, 1941), n. comb., a closely related congener here transferred from its original genus Cyclopetta Sars, 1913. Theassignment of Paracyclopina Smirnov, 1935 to the family Cyclopettidae is followed here despite uncertainty over the va-lidity of some of the families created by the break up of the former Cyclopinidae. Two new species of Boholina Fosshagen& Iliffe, 1989 are described, based on material from the same sinkholes and from caves located up to 700m inland fromthe coast and exhibiting further reduced salinity down to 1.8 ppt. One species, B. parapurgata n. sp., is very closely relatedto B. purgata Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 from Bohol island in the Philippines, the other B. munaensis n. sp., is very closelyrelated to B. crassicephala Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 also from Bohol island, but a number of fine scale differences in the leg 5 of both sexes are recognised in each case. Keys to valid species of both genera are provided.

Field observations on the social relationships between adult female and juvenile Richardson's ground squirrels

1973 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail R. Michener
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationships ◽  
Adult Female ◽  
Ground Squirrels ◽  
The Other ◽  
Field Observations ◽  
Agonistic Interactions ◽  
The Social ◽  
And Behavior

Field observations were conducted in southern Saskatchewan in 1969 and 1971. Adult female Richardson's ground squirrels and their own young engaged predominantly in nasal and cohesive contacts while adults and young from other litters engaged predominantly in agonistic contacts. Identification sometimes occurred at a distance based on the location and behavior of the other animal.Newly emerged juveniles remained close to the home burrow and engaged mainly in non-agonistic interactions with both their mothers and other adults. Not until juveniles were 6–7 weeks old and were familiar with the area used by the mother did they correctly identify adults regardless of where the interaction occurred.

The Modern Life of the East African Native

Africa ◽  
1932 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. M. T. Kayamba
Keyword(s):  
Family Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
East African ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Full Control ◽  
The Family ◽  
Close Proximity ◽  
Heavy Work ◽  
The Village

The family life of an African is primarily based on polygamy and patriarchy. Each family has its own village and the head of the family is elder of the village. As soon as a youth gets married and has children he thinks of establishing his own village in order to obtain sufficient land for cultivation for himself and his children. This is the start of a native village. He calls the village by some name which comes to his fancy. Probably after a few months few people join him at the newly established village; thus the village grows and the founder is called the elder of the village. The next thought of the African after he has acquired a little wealth is to increase the number of his wives to the number that his wealth can provide him. Very often he keeps them in different huts and at different villages which he calls Mtaa, meaning a quarter. He spends days and nights proportionately at each hut, usually three nights at each hut if they are in close proximity or seven days if they are far. He calls it Kugawa ngono, which means the distribution of conjugal rights. Each wife has her own farm which she cultivates with her children, her husband doing the heavy work. The husband has his own farm over which he has authority. Each wife harvests and keeps her own food in her granary in the hut. She has full control over her own food. She feeds and clothes her children from the proceeds of the sale of her crop; and feeds her husband with the same food when he stays with her. The crop from the husband's farm is stored in the senior wife's hut. The senior wife is the first wife in marriage. She keeps all the money of the husband and distributes food to the other wives from the husband's store when the other wives have run short of food.

Recording the Oral History of the Bakuba—II. Results

1960 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Vansina
Keyword(s):  
Oral History ◽  
General Type ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ancestor Worship ◽  
Central Group ◽  
Decorative Art ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Village ◽  
Culture And Language

A Cluster of some eighteen small tribes, numbering in all some 70,000 people, which lives on the rolling heights between the rivers Kasai, Sankuru and Lulua in the Kasai province of the Congo, are called Kuba by their neighbours. They form a kingdom which is in fact a federation of tribes, dominated by a central group, the Bushoong, whose chief is king of the whole congeries. This federation was imposed by the Bushoong upon the other tribes by conquest or threat of arms during the course of the three last centuries. As with all conquest states of which this one, although a federation, is typical, the different tribes controlled do not all have the same culture. One group, comprising the central tribes, is similar in culture and language. It includes the Bushoong, Ngeende, Pyaang, Byeeng, and Bulaang tribes. Other tribes are culturally akin to this group. Still other tribes belong to the Lulua-Luba Kasai cluster. Among these the patrilineal Coofa and the matrilineal Kete may be mentioned. Finally, other tribes like the Ngoombe or Mbeengi participate in the general type of Mongo cultures. The social structure of all the Kuba tribes with the exception of Coofa and Mbeengi is matrilineal. They are grouped in matrilineal clans, which are divided in small autonomous residential lineages, which can be called clan-sections. Clan-sections of different clans make up a village. The village is ruled by a set of dignitaries and a general council composed of the clan-section heads. The tribes of the central group and the ones who are culturally akin to it group several villages in chiefdoms which are ruled by chiefs assisted by councils. In these tribes, with the exception of the Bushoong, different chiefdoms are united loosely on a tribal scale. The Bushoong, who are the most numerous, are constituted in one chiefdom only. The religion of all the tribes of this cluster is very similar. Ancestor worship is practically absent. There are beliefs in a Supreme Being, in nature spirits, and in spirits or forces which control charms. Furthermore, mention must be made for the whole congeries of tribes of a flourishing art, especially decorative art, which is expressed in weaving, matting, woodcarving, ironworking and even architecture.

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