France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 398-411
Author(s):  
T. P. Nesterova

The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-329
Author(s):  
Renan Holanda Montenegro

Nos últimos anos, houve uma proliferação de livros e artigos sobre aspectos diversos da atuação internacional da China, como relações comerciais, investimentos, participação em novos fóruns multilaterais, questões de defesa, etc. Por outro lado, existe uma relativa ausência de textos introdutórios resumidos sobre a política externa do país, principalmente em língua portuguesa. O presente trabalho busca preencher essa lacuna por meio de uma análise de três aspectos centrais para se compreender a China na contemporaneidade sob lentes macro: 1) a existência de uma grande estratégia; 2) o desenho administrativo interno e os principais atores de política externa; e 3) os instrumentos à disposição para se perseguir os objetivos internacionais do país. Estudantes de graduação de Relações Internacionais – e de Ciências Sociais em geral – em estágio inicial de contato com temas sobre a China são o público-alvo, além de outros possíveis interessados no assunto.     Abstract: Over the last years there has been a proliferation of books and articles on various aspects of China's international performance, such as trade relations, investment, participation in new multilateral arenas, defense issues, etc. On the other hand, there is a relative lack of summary introductory texts on the country's foreign policy, mainly in Portuguese. This paper seeks to fill this gap by analyzing three central aspects to understand China in the contemporary world under macro lens: 1) the existence of a great strategy; 2) the internal administrative division and the main foreign policy actors; and 3) the instruments available to pursue the country's international objectives. International Relations undergraduate students – and those of Social Sciences in general – in the initial stage of contact with topics related to China are the target audience, in addition to other people interested in the subject. Keywords: China. State and Government. Foreign Policy. International Relations.     Recebido em: maio/2019. Aprovado em: agosto/2019.  


Leonard Woolf ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 83-108
Author(s):  
Fred Leventhal ◽  
Peter Stansky

The meagre financial returns from Leonard’s two novels and short stories led him to abandon fiction, but reviews and articles for the Nation and the New Statesman meant steady employment as a political journalist, while leaving time for his involvement with the Women’s Co-operative Guild. Beatrice and Sidney Webb enlisted him in Fabian research on international control of foreign policy and ways of eliminating war. Leonard’s 1916 study International Government became his most influential book. Immediately regarded as authoritative, it shaped British proposals for a League of Nations and was cited by British delegates to the Versailles conference. His basic premise was that the only way to prevent war was to establish machinery for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, including an International High Court to resolve justiciable disputes. His contribution was acknowledged in his appointment as secretary to the Labour Party’s Advisory Committee on International Questions, a post that he retained from 1918 to 1946.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Ihab Shabana

British foreign policy in the Middle East has been well researched. However, there are still aspects of Britain’s approach towards the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) that have yet to be researched. One such aspect is Britain’s encounter with the rise of political Islam in MENA and the way(s) in which this phenomenon was deciphered. Even though political Islam dates back to the late 19th and early 20th century, our study focuses on the period between the turbulent years of the outburst of the Iranian Revolution in 1978–1979 and its widely-felt influence until 1990. Our methodological tools include Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) archival material that addresses the phenomenon of political Islam and its implications for British interests and international relations in general. We choose the concept of political Islam and its adherents that are widely acknowledged as political, comparatively to those of da’wa and Jihadi Islamism. We argue that British officials were widely influenced by the intellectual debates of the period under consideration and that they mainly adopted four analytical schemas which focused firstly on the rise of sectarian politics in MENA, secondly on the gradual accommodation of non-state actors and organizations in political analysis, thirdly on the worrisome prospect of an alliance between Islamist and communist forces, and lastly on the prevalence of the idea of Islamic solidarity and Islamic exceptionalism in exerting international politics. Our findings suggest that, at times, the FCO approaches the issue of political Islam with a reassuring mindset, focusing on its divisions and weaknesses, while at other times it analyzes it with a grave concern over stability and Britain’s critical interests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.


2021 ◽  
Vol 106 (6) ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Kira Godovanyuk ◽  

The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.


Subject Recent developments in Japanese foreign policy. Significance This month has seen a flurry of high-level diplomatic activity. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has visited Germany, France, Italy, Belgium and the United Kingdom and Russia. Over the same period, Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida visited China, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam. Impacts Except for Washington, G7 governments have more interest in economic ties with Beijing than in Tokyo's concerns about territorial issues. Japan's willingness to engage Russia may draw the West's ire in due course. The process of relocating the Futenma airbase may drag on for another decade. TPP ratification will be slower than Abe wanted, but US politics is the greatest obstacle. A weakened South Korean administration could find itself pushed into a more hostile approach to Tokyo.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Oppermann ◽  
Ryan Beasley ◽  
Juliet Kaarbo

British foreign policy stands at a turning point following the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Drawing on role theory, we trace the United Kingdom’s efforts to establish new foreign policy roles as it interacts with the concerned international actors. We find that the pro-Brexit desire to ‘take back control’ has not yet translated into a cogent foreign policy direction. In its efforts to avoid adopting the role of isolate, the United Kingdom has projected a disoriented foreign policy containing elements of partially incompatible roles such as great power, global trading state, leader of the Commonwealth, regional partner to the European Union (EU) and faithful ally to the United States. The international community has, through processes of socialisation and alter-casting, largely rejected these efforts. These role conflicts between the United Kingdom and international actors, as well as conflicts among its different role aspirations, have pressed UK policies towards its unwanted isolationist role, potentially shaping its long-term foreign policy orientation post-Brexit.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-28
Author(s):  
ELENA KHAKHALKINA ◽  
◽  
EVGENY TROITSKIY

The Diary of Ivan Maisky, a diplomat, Soviet Envoy (later Ambassador) to the United Kingdom from 1932 to 1943 is one of the valuable sources on the interwar history of international relations and WWII. Maisky never saw his diaries returned to him after they had been confiscated at the time of his arrest in 1953. It was declassified by the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and published in 2006-2009 with the commentaries of Russian scholars. The analysis of the Diary which contains unique details about Soviet-British relations casts new light on the roles of Great Britain and the USSR in the pre-war international crises and allows for a re-evaluation of the two powers’ efforts aimed at preventing or delaying the war. When the Diary is juxtaposed with the declassified British archive materials, the degree to which the British officials trusted the Soviet Envoy/Ambassador as well as the level of his awareness of the undercurrents of British politics become clearer. The authors argue that the Versailles System had failed by the mid-1920s and was replaced by the Locarno System based on the guarantees of Germany’s western borders. In the mid-1930s the Locarno System was in disarray despite British efforts to save it through concessions and the appeasement policy. The «Diplomat’s Diary» shows a struggle within the British elite between the supporters and the opponents of the appeasement policy linked with the search for a new configuration of the European system of security.


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