scholarly journals The world in 2022: ten issues that will shape the international agenda

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Eduard Soler i Lecha ◽  

2022 will be a year for re-evaluating the limits of inequality, restrictive measures, the stimulus plans, geopolitical tensions, or trust in institutions. The economic and emotional recovery will be uneven and will be conditioned to distresses in the rivalry between great powers, price increases and the full overcoming of the pandemic. The world does not have a problem of diagnosis. The necessity and urgency of the ongoing socio-economic, technological and climate transitions are well-known. Where there is debate, it concerns which type of leadership is best equipped or has most legitimacy to pilot this change, how the process should be conducted to ensure the lowest possible social costs and where the point of no return lies. 2022 is a year when international leaderships face re-examination in key elections in places such as France, Brazil, Hungary, the US (midterms) and at the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Which kinds of ideas, people and models will enjoy most support and legitimacy?

2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.


2020 ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Zaitsev ◽  

Georgi Pirinski Jr. is a prominent Bulgarian politician. He was Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the National Assembly. This article regards his father, Georgi Pirinski Sr., who was the Executive Secretary of the American Slav Congress (1944–1951) and Chairman of the Bulgarian Committee for Peace (1969–1972). An émigré from Bulgaria, he took a pseudonym in memory of his native land – the Pirin Macedonia. Rather soon, Pirinski became a prominent trade union leader. His influence on the situation in the world was the greatest, when he was actually the leader of the largest all-Slavic organization in America – the American Slav Congress (the ASC). As an executive secretary of the ASC, Pirinski Sr. determined the American and foreign policy of the organization; in particular, he spoke on behalf of the ASC from the rostrum of the US Congress. Being an illegal member of the Communist Party of the USA, he pursued a pro-Soviet policy inside the ASC which contributed to the schism and abolishment of the ASC; he himself after several arrests had to return to Bulgaria. At the end of his life he felt regret for his fanaticism. Looking at the career of his son, one would say that Georgi Pirinski Jr. learnt from his father’s mistakes and became so successful as a politician that he had to be stopped by semi-legal means.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-36
Author(s):  
Vinh Phuc Pham

At the 6th National Congress (from Dec. 5, 1986 to Dec. 18, 1986), the Communist Party of Vietnam pointed out a new policy of fundamental renovation for the whole country, among which foreign diplomacy was one issue. Particularly for China, the Communist Party of Vietnam aimed to accelerate the normalization process of Vietnam-China relationships. To successfully carry out the policy, Vietnamese Communist Party had been taking actions proposing negotiations to normalize relationships and to ease tensions between the two countries since 1986; however, China then did not want to. Until 1989, the world faced many changes. As a result, tense relationships between Vietnam and China were no longer suitable with the trends of peace and cooperation in international and regional relationships. China then continued peace talks with Vietnam, and in November 1991, the two countries set up normal relationships with each other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-102
Author(s):  
A. P. Bavrina ◽  
N. V. Saperkin ◽  
O. V. Drugova ◽  
N. N. Karjakin ◽  
O. V. Kovalishena

Relevance. The COVID-19 pandemic is characterized by a long undulating course. One of the directions of the dynamic assessment of the incidence of this infection is, as is known, the characterization of the determinants of the epidemic process and the study of the actual effectiveness of various measures.Aims. Were to study the features of the COVID-19 morbidity in the European, American and Asian regions of the world on the example of individual countries with an assessment of the possible impact of regime-restrictive measures on the daily increase in cases.Materials & methods. A descriptive epidemiological study involved the use of the following data on COVID-19: daily increase in new infections in absolute numbers and relative indicators during 1 June 2020 till 30 November 2020 in five countries (France, Italy, USA, Brazil, India) , description and timing of various restrictive measures. Information obtained from open sources (situation reports from WHO, CDC, ECDC, national ministries of health, etc.). Time series characterized, defining sharply differing values, timing and duration of ups and downs, the rate of average daily growth (decline). Statistical analysis was carried out using the IBM SPSS Statistics 26.Results. On average, for the analyzed period of time, 1303 were registered in Italy, 4897, France – 52799, Brazil – 31853, India –50507new cases. The average incidence rate in the compared countries ranged from 500.98 ± 417.06 per 100,000 in India to 4399.43 ± 2390.77 per 100,000 in the US. After the passage of the «first wave» of the incidence of COVID-19, regardless of the region of the world, there was an increase in the daily increase in new cases of SARS-CoV-2 in the summer-autumn period of 2020. Furthermore, with the differences in the morbidity rates in the different countries, there were also characteristics the formation of similar to the region. For the European region (Italy, France), there was a simultaneous beginning of an increase in the incidence in August-September 2020, a similar trend towards exponential growth and synchronous fluctuations in the daily increase in absolute cases of diseases. For the countries of the American region (USA and Brazil), a similar sinusoidal nature of the dynamics of the average daily increase in infection cases and its synchronicity until October 2020 was revealed. The Asian region, on the example of India, had significant differences in the dynamics of the analyzed indicators in comparison with the countries of the European and American regions. Differences in the formation of morbidity in the summerautumn period were more pronounced between the regions and related to the level of average daily growth, the incidence rate, the month of the maximum rise in the incidence in this period, and trend differences. Comparison of the ongoing isolation measures with the daily increase in cases revealed their discrepancy. This could create the preconditions for the activation of the epidemic process of infection and the ineffectiveness of measures.Conclusions. We found that in the five countries examined, the situation developed according to a similar scenario. Nevertheless, in different regions of the world there was a specificity in the involvement of the territory in the epidemic process. A more in-depth study of the timeliness and completeness of regime-restrictive measures against SOCID-19 should include a comparison with the patterns of formation and manifestations of the epidemic process. In turn, this is important for scientifically based implementation and increasing their effectiveness.


Subject Prospect for politics in China in 2018. Significance Last month’s 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party saw President Xi Jinping confirmed as the single most powerful person in China. He can now pursue his ambitions for the country with tighter coordination and greater intensity. These include transforming China into a dominant influence on the world stage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-134
Author(s):  
A. A. Krivorotov

Greenland, the biggest island in the world inhabited predominantly by Inuits, was a Danish colony before 1953 and has since then been a part of the Danish realm with a gradually increasing autonomy. Some 2/3 of its population favor a complete secession, but the heavy dependence upon Danish budget subsidies is the main challenge. The Chinese government and companies have since 2005 maintained a close dialogue with Greenland as an entry point to the Arctic and a rich base of natural resources (including rare earth elements), though there has not been major investments yet. The U.S. have lately tried to halt this cooperation for the reasons of foreign, security and resource policy, and to put Greenland under a tighter American control. President Trump’s purchase offer in 2019 was the most publicized initiative. Denmark, despite its close alliance with the United States, is worried by either American or Chinese involvement and tries to become a good patron for Greenland to prevent its secession. Meanwhile, the Greenlandic authorities confirm their political will to struggle for a complete independence from Denmark. The article suggests three medium-term scenarios, with Greenland remaining in an gradually looser union with Denmark, moving into the U.S. domain and acquiring a full statehood with a subsequent competition of great powers. Whatever the outcome, Russia shall monitor the development closely and play an active role in the Arctic, not taking a part in the US-China rivalry.


2015 ◽  
pp. 30-53
Author(s):  
V. Popov

This paper examines the trajectory of growth in the Global South. Before the 1500s all countries were roughly at the same level of development, but from the 1500s Western countries started to grow faster than the rest of the world and PPP GDP per capita by 1950 in the US, the richest Western nation, was nearly 5 times higher than the world average and 2 times higher than in Western Europe. Since 1950 this ratio stabilized - not only Western Europe and Japan improved their relative standing in per capita income versus the US, but also East Asia, South Asia and some developing countries in other regions started to bridge the gap with the West. After nearly half of the millennium of growing economic divergence, the world seems to have entered the era of convergence. The factors behind these trends are analyzed; implications for the future and possible scenarios are considered.


2012 ◽  
pp. 132-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Uzun

The article deals with the features of the Russian policy of agriculture support in comparison with the EU and the US policies. Comparative analysis is held considering the scales and levels of collective agriculture support, sources of supporting means, levels and mechanisms of support of agricultural production manufacturers, its consumers, agrarian infrastructure establishments, manufacturers and consumers of each of the principal types of agriculture production. The author makes an attempt to estimate the consequences of Russia’s accession to the World Trade Organization based on a hypothesis that this will result in unification of the manufacturers and consumers’ protection levels in Russia with the countries that have long been WTO members.


Author(s):  
Seva Gunitsky

Over the past century, democracy spread around the world in turbulent bursts of change, sweeping across national borders in dramatic cascades of revolution and reform. This book offers a new global-oriented explanation for this wavelike spread and retreat—not only of democracy but also of its twentieth-century rivals, fascism, and communism. The book argues that waves of regime change are driven by the aftermath of cataclysmic disruptions to the international system. These hegemonic shocks, marked by the sudden rise and fall of great powers, have been essential and often-neglected drivers of domestic transformations. Though rare and fleeting, they not only repeatedly alter the global hierarchy of powerful states but also create unique and powerful opportunities for sweeping national reforms—by triggering military impositions, swiftly changing the incentives of domestic actors, or transforming the basis of political legitimacy itself. As a result, the evolution of modern regimes cannot be fully understood without examining the consequences of clashes between great powers, which repeatedly—and often unsuccessfully—sought to cajole, inspire, and intimidate other states into joining their camps.


Author(s):  
Jakub J. Grygiel ◽  
A. Wess Mitchell ◽  
Jakub J. Grygiel ◽  
A. Wess Mitchell

From the Baltic to the South China Sea, newly assertive authoritarian states sense an opportunity to resurrect old empires or build new ones at America's expense. Hoping that U.S. decline is real, nations such as Russia, Iran, and China are testing Washington's resolve by targeting vulnerable allies at the frontiers of American power. This book explains why the United States needs a new grand strategy that uses strong frontier alliance networks to raise the costs of military aggression in the new century. The book describes the aggressive methods which rival nations are using to test American power in strategically critical regions throughout the world. It shows how rising and revisionist powers are putting pressure on our frontier allies—countries like Poland, Israel, and Taiwan—to gauge our leaders' commitment to upholding the American-led global order. To cope with these dangerous dynamics, nervous U.S. allies are diversifying their national-security “menu cards” by beefing up their militaries or even aligning with their aggressors. The book reveals how numerous would-be great powers use an arsenal of asymmetric techniques to probe and sift American strength across several regions simultaneously, and how rivals and allies alike are learning from America's management of increasingly interlinked global crises to hone effective strategies of their own. The book demonstrates why the United States must strengthen the international order that has provided greater benefits to the world than any in history.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document