scholarly journals Language and Hate Speech Aspects in the Public Sphere Case Study: Republic of Macedonia

SEEU Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-96
Author(s):  
Agim Poshka
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Language Usage ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Legal Perspective ◽  
Egalitarian Society ◽  
The Public Sphere

Abstract The issue of hate speech is widely present in the Balkan Peninsula and although it has a serious impact in inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations, it has never been addressed properly by the academia or the judicial systems. This paper aims to outline the main principles that define hate speech from the linguistic and legal perspective. Throughout the paper several international cases of hate speech are cited along with the measures that western European countries take in order to minimize the level of stereotypes and public discrimination. In the second part, the paper brings examples from degrading hate speech cases coming from public figures in Macedonia. In addition, a few comparative cases from the international practice have been cited in order to perceive if an egalitarian society is possible in Macedonia from the aspect of language usage without the hatred constituents by aiming to develop an acceptable public discourse for all.

scholarly journals Democratic Speech in Divided Times

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxime Lepoutre
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Democratic Life ◽  
The Ideal

Democratic Speech in Divided Times offers a comprehensive account of the norms that should govern public discourse in circumstances marked by deep and often unjust social divisions. Part I investigates what forms of democratic speech are desirable in these settings. This part shows, firstly, that some forms of public discourse that are symptomatic of division can nevertheless play a crucial democratic function. In particular, it argues that emotionally charged speech—and most notably, speech voicing deep anger—plays a fundamental role in overcoming entrenched epistemic divisions and in facilitating the exchange of shared reasons. This part also examines how, in contrast, other characteristic features of the public discourse of divided societies endanger democratic life. Here, the argument considers the proliferation of hate speech and misinformation, and examines what forms of democratic speech should be used to combat them. Part II considers how realistic the foregoing account of public discourse is. Specifically, it assesses the complications that arise from intergroup antipathy, pervasive political ignorance, and the fragmentation of the public sphere. The normative picture of public discourse that this book defends can largely withstand these problems. And, while these social conditions do qualify the value of democratic speech in some respects, they are at least as problematic for political ideals that give up on inclusive democratic speech altogether. Accordingly, while realising the ideal of democratic speech that this book outlines is challenging, we should not lose patience with this task.

scholarly journals Reprezentacje gender w polskiej sferze publicznej – próba uchwycenia dynamiki dyskursu

1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Grochalska
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gender Policy ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right

Before 2013, the term ‘gender’ as used to define male and female social roles had appeared relatively rarely in the public sphere. However, it had not been completely unknown. Whenever this term did occur in utterances of public figures, it was mostly in reference to equality policies (gender policy) and the idea of gender mainstreaming in EU projects. It was commonly associated with feminism and has in this form entered the social consciousness, including the minds of major public figures, especially those with highest state positions. The situation changed radically in 2013. The term ‘gender’ started to be connected with ‘gender ideology’, a term coined by people associated with the Catholic Church. This article presents the ways in which the issues related to the broadly meant gender are presented on the right and left sides of the political scene. This analysis is based on selected interviews and other utterances of famous politicians as well as the articles in popular weekly magazines published in 2011–2015. This paper covers both kinds of utterances – those in line with the rules of political correctness and the examples of hate speech. All examples are provided to highlight the mechanisms of discrimination hidden in the language of politics.

scholarly journals Maahanmuuttovastaisen ideologian ja ryhmäidentiteetin rakentuminen Suomi24-keskustelussa

Virittäjä ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simo Määttä ◽  
Karita Suomalainen ◽  
Ulla Tuomarla
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Discussion Board ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
The Public ◽  
Online Discussion Forum ◽  
Social Challenge ◽  
Group Identities ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Online Conversation

Artikkeli käsittelee maahanmuuttovastaisen keskustelun kielellisiä piirteitä Suomi24-keskustelufoorumilla. Aihetta lähestytään tapaustutkimuksen näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksen aineistona on syksyllä 2017 Suomi24-foorumilla käyty keskustelu. Artikkelin tavoitteena on kuvata niitä kielellisiä keinoja, joilla tutkimuksen kohteena olevassa keskustelu­ketjussa rakennetaan maahanmuuttovastaista ideologiaa. Huomio kohdistuu erityisesti siihen, millaisin leksikaalisin, syntaktisin, tekstuaalisin ja diskursiivisin keinoin keskustelun osallistujat rakentavat erilaisia ryhmäidentiteettejä ja polarisaatiota ”meidän” ja ”heidän/niiden” välillä. Lähestymistapa on diskurssianalyyttinen, ja mikrotason analyysi pyrkii osoittamaan tekstikokonaisuuden taustalla olevia laajempia yhteiskunnallisia prosesseja. Artikkelissa esitetään, että eri ryhmien vastakkainasettelulla on keskeinen asema maahanmuuttovastaisen ideologian rakentamisessa. Aineistossa vastakkainasettelua rakennetaan sekä intra- että intertekstuaalisin keinoin. Intratekstuaalisiin keinoihin lukeutuvat erilaisten nimeävien ja viittaavien ilmausten käyttö ja ketjuttaminen sekä avointen ja impersonaalisten ilmausten käyttö. Intertekstuaalisia keinoja puolestaan ovat sanontojen ja ajankohtaisten uutisten referointi sekä tiettyjen vihamielisten toposten toistaminen. Artikkelissa osoitetaan, että aineistossa ryhmäidentiteettien kielellisellä rakentamisella on vahva yhteys syrjivään puheeseen, jollaiseksi myös vihapuhe voidaan lukea. Artikkelissa todetaan, että Chiltonin (2004) diskursiivisen tilan perusmalli soveltuu hyvin kuvaamaan keskustelun osallistujien (”me”) ja syrjivän puheen kohteena olevien (”he”/”ne”) välistä diskurssitason polarisaatiota ja mentaalista etäisyyttä. Artikkeli tuo uutta tietoa siitä, millaisia toistuvia ilmiöitä ja argumentatiivisia keinoja viha­puheesta on löydettävissä. Sosiaalisessa mediassa on helppo levittää viha­puhetta, minkä vuoksi Suomi24:n kaltaiset kanavat ovat muodostuneet yhteis­kunnalliseksi haasteeksi. Vihapuheen ehkäiseminen edellyttää syrjivän kielenkäytön mekanismien ymmärtämistä.   Constructing anti-immigration ideology and group identity in an online conversation thread on the Suomi24 discussion board This article examines the linguistic features of an anti-immigration discussion in the Suomi24 online discussion forum. The article is based on a case study focusing on a conversation thread that was started in October 2017. Initially, the thread consisted of 40 comments, 13 of which were eliminated by the forum’s moderators. The present analysis aims to outline the means by which an anti-immigration ideology is built into the data. Particular attention is paid to the lexical, syntactic, textual, and discursive tools through which the participants in the thread construe different group identities, a strategy that eventually leads to an important polarisation between ‘them’ and ‘us’. A discourse-analytical micro-level analysis is used to unravel the broader societal processes underlying the discussion. The article demonstrates how the construal of polarisation between different group identities plays a crucial role in creating anti-immigration ideology both by intra­textual and intertextual means. As shown in the concluding chapter, Chilton’s (2004) basic discourse space model may be used to illustrate this construal of mental distance between ‘them’ (immigrants who are targeted as unwanted objects) and ‘us’ (discussion participants). The intratextual analysis focuses on NPs, anaphoric expressions, and open personal constructions used to refer to groups of people, whereas the intertextual analysis concentrates on speech and thought representation and intertextual links to current news, culturally significant texts, and stereotypical topoi. The article shows that there is a strong connection between the linguistic construction of group identities and discriminatory speech, a category also comprising hate speech. Furthermore, the article provides new insights into several recurring linguistic and argumentative phenomena present in hate speech. In social media, it is easy to spread hate speech, which is why such informal channels in the public sphere have become a social challenge. Preventing hate speech requires understanding the mechanisms of discriminatory language use.  

Soft Force

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Anne McLarney
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
World Economic Forum ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Global Leader ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Public Sphere

This chapter focuses on the work of Heba Raouf Ezzat. Ranked the thirty-ninth most influential Arab on Twitter, with over 100,000 followers, voted one of the hundred most powerful Arab women by ArabianBusiness.com, and elected a Youth Global Leader by the World Economic Forum, Raouf Ezzat has articulated and disseminated her Islamic politics in a global public sphere. Her writings and lectures develop an Islamic theory of women's political participation but simultaneously address other contested questions about women's leadership, women's work, and women's participation in the public sphere. Heba Raouf Ezzat is one of the most visible public figures in the Arab and Islamic world today, a visibility that began with her book on the question of women's political work in Islam, Woman and Political Work.

On Waxen Wings: Challenges to the Public Sphere in the Network Age

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Francoeur
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The Internet ◽  
The Public ◽  
Digital Space ◽  
Multiple Viewpoints ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
Economic Production ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Communicative Space

There is a tendency, particularly among Western pundits and technologists, to examine the Internet in almost universally positive terms; this is most evident in any discussion of the medium’s capacity for democratization. While the Internet has produced many great things for society in terms of cultural and economic production, some consideration must be given to the implications that such a revolutionary medium holds for the public sphere. By creating a communicative space that essentially grants everyone his or her own microphone, the Internet is fragmenting public discourse due to the proliferation of opinions and messages and the removal of traditional gatekeepers of information. More significantly, because of the structural qualities of the Internet, users no longer have to expose themselves to opinions and viewpoints that fall outside their own preconceived notions. This limits the robustness of the public sphere by limiting the healthy debate that can only occur when exposed to multiple viewpoints. Ultimately, the Internet is not going anywhere, so it is important to equip the public with the tools and knowledge to be able to navigate the digital space. 

unrechtliche peinliche schmehung oder dem gemeinen nutz nuetzlich?Eine Fallstudie zur Normenkonkurrenz im Schmähschriftprozess des 16. Jahrhunderts

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Jan Siegemund
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Public Places ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The City ◽  
Different Levels

AbstractLibel played an important and extraordinary role in early modern conflict culture. The article discusses their functions and the way they were assessed in court. The case study illustrates argumentative spaces and different levels of normative references in libel trials in 16th century electoral Saxony. In 1569, Andreas Langener – in consequence of a long stagnating private conflict – posted several libels against the nobleman Tham Pflugk in different public places in the city of Dresden. Consequently, he was arrested and charged with ‘libelling’. Depending on the reference to conflicting social and legal norms, he had therefore been either threatened with corporal punishment including his execution, or rewarded with laudations. In this case, the act of libelling could be seen as slander, but also as a service to the community, which Langener had informed about potentially harmful transgression of norms. While the common good was the highest maxim, different and sometimes conflicting legally protected interests had to be discussed. The situational decision depended on whether the articulated charges where true and relevant for the public, on the invective language, and especially on the quality and size of the public sphere reached by the libel.

scholarly journals Introduction: Publics and Participation in Early Modern Britain

2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. M. Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Boundaries ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
Institutional Variation ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Important Shift

AbstractThe deconstruction of what is termed “the public sphere” in recent decades has resulted in an important shift in scholarly attention towards networks and forms of association. This article explores how greater sensitivity to the unstable and ephemeral nature of “publics,” combined with a stronger awareness of the role of cultural exchange, has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of early modern politics. Some analytical precision has, nonetheless, been lost. A justifiable emphasis on the artificiality of the territorial borders that have defined units of enquiry has occurred at the expense of deeper consideration of the cultural boundaries that dictated the terms on which people could participate in and shape public discourse. Study of the British archipelago can offer new ways of thinking about these problems. Linguistic and ethnic differences, the search for religious concord as well as the reality of confessional division, institutional variation, and the consequences of London's increasing dominance of the archipelago, are key facets of the reassessments undertaken here. The article concludes by reflecting on how interactions between varieties of “public” and other forms of association can nuance our understanding of early modern state formation.

The Personal Public Sphere of Whitman's 1840s Journalism

PMLA ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 126 (4) ◽  
pp. 983-998
Author(s):  
Bonnie Carr O'Neill
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Leaves Of Grass ◽  
Social Community ◽  
The Public ◽  
Celebrity Culture ◽  
Penny Press ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Public Sphere

Before Walt Whitman became the self-celebrating poet of Leaves of Grass, he was a professional journalist. This paper examines the journalism Whitman produced from 1840 to 1842 in the context of an emerging celebrity culture, and it considers celebrity's effects on the public sphere. It traces the penny press's personal style of journalism to both its artisan-republican politics and the formation of celebrity culture, in which celebrities assume status parallel to that of traditional representatives of authority. As editor of the Aurora, Whitman adopts the first-person, polemical style of the penny press and singles out prominent people for criticism. In other pieces, he presents himself as the ever-observant flâneur. As editor and as flâneur, he is a participant in and observer of the life of his community, and he assumes unassailable interpretive power. But he also regards his readers as fellow participants-observers who make judgments about the public figures he reports on. The tension between these positions is never resolved: Whitman's dialogic addresses to readers aim to extend the public sphere of critical debate even as Whitman holds steadfastly to his own social and political authority. Encouraging and modeling readers' negotiations over the meaning of public figures, he extends the features of celebrity culture to the public at large. His early journalism shows how and why it is so difficult to reconcile political and social community in the era of mass culture, and it highlights the complexities of the coexistence of celebrity and critical discourse in the personal public sphere.

scholarly journals UNDERSTANDING LAW AND RELIGION AS CULTURE: MAKING ROOM FOR MEANING IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Important Relationship ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between law and religion in contemporary civil society has been a topic of increasing social interest and importance in Canada in the past many years. We have seen the practices and commitments of religious groups and individuals become highly salient on many issues of public policy, including the nature of the institution of marriage, the content of public education, and the uses of public space, to name just a few. As the vehicle for this discussion, I want to ask a straightforward question: When we listen to our public discourse, what is the story that we hear about the relationship between law and religion? How does this topic tend to be spoken about in law and politics – what is our idiom around this issue – and does this story serve us well? Though straightforward, this question has gone all but unanswered in our political and academic discussions. We take for granted our approach to speaking about – and, therefore, our way of thinking about – the relationship between law and religion. In my view, this is most unfortunate because this taken-for-grantedness is the source of our failure to properly understand the critically important relationship between law and religion.

scholarly journals The Digital Transformation of the Public Sphere, Its Features in the Context of Various Political Regimes, and Its Possible Influence on Political Processes

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 149-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexey Salikov
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Digital Transformation ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Internet Communication ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

The question of how the digital transformation of the public sphere affects political processes has been of interest to researchers since the spread of the Internet in the early 1990s. However, today there is no clear or unambiguous answer to this question; expert estimates differ radically, from extremely positive to extremely negative. This article attempts to take a comprehensive approach to this issue, conceptualizing the transformations taking place in the public sphere under the influence of Internet communication technologies, taking their political context into account, and identifying the relationship between these changes and possible transformations of political regimes. In order to achieve these goals, several tasks are tackled during this research. The first section examines the issue as to whether the concept of the public sphere can be used in a non-democratic context. It also delineates two main types of the public sphere, the “democratic public sphere” and the “authoritarian public sphere,” in order to take into account the features of public discourse in the context of various political regimes. The second section discusses the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a democratic context. The third section considers the special aspects of the digital transformation of the public sphere in a non-democratic context. The concluding section summarizes the results of the study, states the existing gaps and difficulties, outlines the ways for their possible extension, and raises questions requiring attention from other researchers.

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