scholarly journals The Relevance of Islam in Belgium and Future Perspectives

Islamology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Sergio Castaño Riaño
Keyword(s):  
Social Transformation ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Future Perspectives ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Migration in Belgium in the 1960s represented the beginning of a social transformation process that has turned the traditionally Catholic country into a multicultural reality where Islam has achieved more significance. Consequently, the government had to adapt different structures to the new reality, and people had to learn to live together. In this regard, the Muslim community demanded public spaces to develop cultural and religious events. Second and third generations of Belgian Muslims conserve their family roots and require space for Islam in Belgium. As a result, progressively, the state has incorporated soft elements of Sharia Law in national and local legislation to respond to Muslim requirements. This fact has opened a debate in Belgium and has created controversies in some environments. Thus, this article analyses the implementation of Sharia Law legislation in Belgium and its consequences.

CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE BAPTIST MOVEMENT’S DIVISION IN UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
Oksana Vysoven
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Special Services ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Prayer Meetings ◽  
Globalized World ◽  
The Church

The article analyzes the causes and consequences of the split in the evangelical-Baptist environment in the 1960s; found that one of the main causes of the split in the bosom of evangelical Baptist Christians was the destructive influence of state authorities on religion in general, and Christian denominations in particular when initiated by state bodies of the union of Protestant religious communities under the auspices of the All-Union Baptist Council Church for organization under control of special services bodies; it has been proved that the conflicts between the leadership of the Verkhovna Rada and the Council of Churches were artificial. The confrontations among the believers were mainly provoked by SSC agents and secret services, and were only in the hands of the Communist Party regime, which helped him control events, pacify some and repress others; it is proved that under the influence of the movement for the independence of the church from the state headed by «initiators», the regime has been operating since the second half of the 1960s. gradually began to ease the pressure on officially registered communities of evangelical Baptist Christians. Prayer meetings began to be attended by teens, and ordinary members and members of other congregations were allowed to preach. As a result of these changes and some easing of tensions between the church and the government, many believers and congregations began to return to the official union governed by the ACEBC, without wishing further confrontation; it is shown that the internal church events of the 60's of the twentieth century, which were provoked by the SSC special services and led to the split of the EBC community, reflected on the position and activities of the EBC Church and in the period of independence of Ukraine, the higher leadership of the split community (the ACEBC and the Church Council) and could not reconcile and unite in a united union. This significantly weakens their spiritual position in today's globalized world, where cohesion and competitiveness play an important role.

scholarly journals Mellom kjernen og periferien i den norske velferdsstaten. Idrettsbevegelsesens vekslende posisjoner

2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Asle Bergsgard
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Government Funding ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Field ◽  
Relative Autonomy ◽  
The Core ◽  
Modern Welfare State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Artiklen belyser prioriteringen idrætten i den norske velfærdsstat i relation til Bourdieus kapital og velfærd og diskuterer idrættens autonomi.The modern welfare state in most western countries is characterised by a stepwise expansion of government responsibilities: from the basic tasks of the state like defence and policing, via core welfare state issues such as social security, to secondary welfare state issues like leisure policy. Starting out with a brief historical presentation, this article describes sport’s pendulum movement between the core and the periphery in the Norwegian welfare state. Further it is argued that sport was constituted as a distinct social field in a Bourdieuan sense in the 1960s and 70s. The article then analyses whether the specific logic of this field is adaptable to the ever- stronger presence of the welfare logic during the last decades, or if the welfare logic is a threat to the structure of the field of sport and hence to the relative autonomy of the voluntary organised sports movement. In addition it is discussed if the voluntary organised sports movement is now at a crossroads, either becoming a balancing item for the government with preserved autonomy, or an important tool in the government’s toolbox but with less autonomy. The consequence of the choices made will change the field of sport and hence the allocation of government funding to organised sport.

Conclusion

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher P. Loss
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
Personal Politics ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter offers an overview of the state of higher education in an age of diversity. Without the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War to thicken the relationship between the state and higher education, a rightward political shift commenced during the economic downturn of the 1970s. Ideological differences dating back to the campus turmoil of the 1960s, combined with real financial concerns, helped to drive a wedge between the government and higher education. Ultimately, the drift toward “privatization” in the final two decades of the twentieth century readjusted higher education's role as a mediator between citizens and the state once again—changing how students paid for college and moving students closer to a privatized conception of democratic citizenship inextricably tied to the “personal politics” of identity.

Monochrome Movement [Tansaekhwa]

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pitchapa Cheri Supavatanakul
Keyword(s):  
Korean War ◽  
The State ◽  
Art World ◽  
Korean Art ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Park Chung Hee ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Rapid Industrialization ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Monochrome painting, otherwise known in Korea as Tansaekwa, was an art movement that emerged after the Korean War, lasting from the late 1960s through to the 1980s. It rose to prominence during an era of strict censorship and rapid industrialization in the 1960s and the 1970s. The policies imposed by South Korea’s then-president Park Chung-hee restricted direct political messages, thus actuating the emergence of hidden themes in abstractions within the limitations administered by the state. The Monochrome movement’s pioneer, Park Seobo (1931--), worked both with abstract artists who were critical of the government and with the National Documentary Paintings Project, producing government-commissioned artworks that advocated nationalism. Through abstraction, Monochrome paintings can raise awareness without being overtly political, and still resonate Korean tradition without submitting to the confines of the artistic establishment of the time. The Monochrome movement responded not only to political censorship, but also to the established standards of the Korean art world, eliminating notions of representation and the distance that sets the image apart from the canvas.

Competition and Credit Control

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-88
Author(s):  
Jack Copley
Keyword(s):  
Interest Rates ◽  
Currency Crises ◽  
Financial Liberalization ◽  
World Market ◽  
The State ◽  
Market Competitiveness ◽  
Credit Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
British State

This chapter explores the 1971 Competition and Credit Control financial liberalization, which saw the British state relinquish most of its direct controls over credit creation and instead rely on interest rates to govern lending. In the 1960s, Britain’s worsening trade performance had resulted in a series of currency crises, to which Harold Wilson’s government responded in 1967 by devaluing sterling. In aid of devaluation, the government enacted a series of contractionary measures. An important element of this disciplining strategy was the tightening of monetary policy through state-imposed lending ceilings. However, people proved resistant to this reduction in their living standards, and thus endeavoured to combat income losses by extending their bank borrowing. Further, due to falling profitability, companies faced a liquidity crisis that threatened to derail the export recovery. As such, the state authorities sought to use the lending ceilings to both restrict credit to persons and extend credit to companies. This hybrid disciplining/palliation strategy was extremely difficult to operate with the blunt monetary instruments at hand. In addition, the lending ceilings were becoming increasingly politicized. Consequently, the Treasury and Bank sought to discover a better system of monetary governance. It was the Bank that designed the uniquely arm’s-length CCC proposals. Yet these proposals were accepted by the Treasury and government in significant part because they appeared to offer a depoliticized mechanism through which the state could redistribute credit resources from persons to companies in aid of augmenting Britain’s world market competitiveness in a moment of intensifying crisis.

Shari'at and Muslim community in colonial Punjab, 1865–1885

2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 1068-1095 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT IVERMEE
Keyword(s):  
Public Spaces ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Community Formation ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Social Unit ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Anglo Indian

AbstractThis paper argues that concerns for the government appointment of qazis, officers for the administration of Muslim law, and the greater application of shari'at critically shaped Muslim community formation in later nineteenth century Punjab. Between 1865 and 1885, Punjabi Muslim elites attested the necessity of qazis being appointed by government and Muslim law being administered in the colonial judicial system. With the support of Gottlieb Leitner, registrar of the Punjab University College, Muslim parties used the emergent associations of Punjab civil society, including the Anjuman-i-Punjab (Lahore) and Anjuman-i-Islam (Lahore), to assert the indispensability of religious law. In doing so, they challenged the Anglo-Indian decision to prioritize customary law in the Punjab and advanced the religious group as the basic social unit of Punjab society. In Punjab public spaces, the relevance of Islam was proclaimed, challenging the professed Anglo-Indian distinction between private and public, religious and secular spheres. However, demands for qazi appointment and the administration of shari'at problematize well-rehearsed arguments about the relationships between family, community, state and religion in colonial Punjab. Only through an enquiry into the two decades after 1865 may later political campaigns for the application of shari'at be understood.

scholarly journals The Transformation of MDMC Social Piety in Forming Public Spaces in the Middle of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Sadikin Sadikin
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Disaster Management ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
Qualitative Research Design ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
The Social ◽  
Post Disaster

This journal aims to find out how the process of transforming social piety to a disaster management center (MDMC) in the reconstruction of public spaces in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia. So far, research on MDMC has shown more functions in disaster management, mitigation, preparedness, emergency response and post-disaster rehabilitation. In a broader scope, it has neglected the two most important issues, namely the sociological impact and the formation of a democratic public space from the social transformation process. Therefore, further research is needed on the transformation of MDMC's social piety in reconstructing public spaces in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia. This study uses a descriptive study of the transformation of social piety to MDMC volunteers in reconstructing public spaces in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia. By using this qualitative research design, researchers can identify a group of people; study them at home or at work; and develop a general picture of the group, noting how they behave, think and speak. Within the epistemic framework, this study considers several theoretical perspectives on the Covid-19 problem in Indonesia, which has paralyzed the public space, such as grounding the humanitarian movement, caring for Islamic values ​​socially, solidarity in helping and caring for people who suffer from misfortune without expecting it. compensation, giving something to victims who are hit by the disaster based on collective awareness, helping victims who are physically hit by the disaster to reduce the ongoing burden, providing material assistance to victims who are hit by the disaster based on their needs and cooperating in post-disaster rehabilitation.

scholarly journals COVID-19: The Crossroads for Sinhala–Muslim Relations in Sri Lanka

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110218
Author(s):  
Mohamed Imtiyaz Abdul Razak ◽  
Amjad Mohamed Saleem
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Data Gathering ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Tamil Tigers ◽  
The Government

Sri Lanka’s ethnic civil war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), also known as the Tamil Tigers, and the government of Sri Lanka comprising the majority of the Sinhalese Buddhist community came to a bloody end in May 2009. Muslims, whose political and civil society elite had largely supported the Sri Lankan state and security forces, welcomed the end of the war and the defeat of the Tamil Tigers given the history of the community with the LTTE. The expectations by the Muslims (and other communities) that peace would return to the country, were quickly dashed as it appeared that a new extremist Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist movement targeting religious minorities especially the Muslims would emerge as the country grappled with post-war reconciliation. The rise of anti-Muslim rhetoric, hate speech, and incitement to violence against the community has pushed some Muslims to think that they have become the new focus for Sinhala-Buddhist extremists in the wake of the defeat of the Tamil Tigers. With suspicions of the complicity of the state apparatus in the anti-Muslim campaign, there are serious concerns around the role and place of minorities (non-Sinhala and non-Buddhist) in the future makeup of the country. While there is no concrete evidence on the state’s support for such an action, it is clear that the reluctance of the state to bring to justice those responsible for hate speech and incitement to violence since 2009 raises some serious questions about impartiality. In addition, with the increase of detentions and scrutiny of the Muslim community’s post-Easter Sunday attacks and the recent treatment of the Muslim community in the response to the ongoing global COVID-19 pandemic, including shutting down of key Muslim towns and the enforcement of forced cremations (which goes against Islamic teachings of dignified burials), there is much to ponder of an anti-Muslim strategy being mainstreamed and institutionalized by the state. This paper will seek to situate the present response to the COVID-19 pandemic by the state and its particular actions affecting the Muslim community amid a wider backdrop of a rise in anti-Muslim hatred and action. In order to understand this, the paper will seek to understand the reasoning behind why Muslims who supported the war against the Tamil Tigers, have now become the enemy for Sinhala-Buddhist extremists. It does this through primary and secondary data gathering including interviews conducted between July 2020 and February 2021. In so doing this paper will explore the development of Muslim political and religious identity by looking at a historical perspective. This paper makes the argument that a holistic approach needs to be developed to avoid a new conflict taking place in Sri Lanka and to avoid violent Islamist extremism taking hold.

scholarly journals A Proposed Model for Agricultural Marketing in Odisha, India

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 836-839
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Government Investment ◽  
Agricultural Marketing ◽  
Indian Agriculture ◽  
Agricultural Produce ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Indian agriculture is known for its historic capacity and reliance on agricultural produce. Though, this sector has seen downs in the 1960s and then for a few years in the 1980s; at present it is one of the growing sectors in India. Thanks to the initiatives taken by the Central and the State Governments from time to time to motivate the farmers through various activities and policies. A few such initiatives are The Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojna (Corp insurance) in June 2016, Approval of Blue Revolution, and Government Investment to improve milk productivity (Rupees 221 Crores), Energy Efficient Irrigation Systems, Launch of Parikrama Krishi Vikas Yojna (to address critical importance of soil and water for improving agricultural production) at central level and the Kalia Yojna, Waiver of interest on crop loans, Minimum Support Price (MSP) at the state level. Despite such initiatives, Indian agriculture that contributed to 51% to the GDP in the 1950s presently stands at an all time low at 14% in the year 2018. The problem relating to the agricultural sector is not productivity, but it is the lack of interest and motivation on the part of farmers to cultivate due to insufficient and scarce incomes generated by cultivation. This article suggests a model that could be used by the Government in the state of Odisha to motivate farmers produce more and at the same time help revenue generation and employment in the agricultural sector as well.

Bolivia and Its Transformations in the Light of “Seven Erroneous Theses about Latin America”

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-153
Author(s):  
Gabriela Canedo Vásquez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Internal Colonialism ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Living Well ◽  
The Government ◽  
Western Perspective

Bolivia has become a plurinational state, and as such it seeks to dismantle the deeply ingrained internal colonialism that runs through the state and the society. Thus it recognizes self-determination by indigenous people, autonomous territories, plural economy and justice, communal democracy, and suma qamaña (living well) and identifies the indigenous as the main actors in the transformation process, sidelining both the working and the middle classes. Some of the contradictions at its core include views of development that range from extractivism to environmentalism and living well. The government claims to be oriented toward communitarian socialism, but developmentalism will entail the destruction of indigenous modes of survival that are considered culturally rich but backward from a Western perspective. The central indigenous actor of current government discourse has been pushed aside. The Bolivian process presents a way of building a more equal state and a society that offers greater opportunities provided that these structural contradictions are resolved. Bolivia se funda como Estado Plurinacional, y como tal pretende desmontar el colonia-lismo interno que atraviesa el Estado y la sociedad. De esta manera reconoce la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígenas, las autonomías, la economía y justicia plural, la democracia comunitaria, y el suma qamaña (vivir bien). Por tanto plantea que el actor central de las transformaciones son los indígenas, y con esto constatamos que ni el sujeto obrero ni la clase media son actores centrales. Algunas de las contradicciones que se encuentran en su seno incluyen visiones de desarrollo que oscila entre el extractivismo y la conservación de la Madre Tierra y el vivir bien. El gobierno dice orientarse hacia el socialismo comunitario, pero el desarrollismo implicará la destrucción de los modos de sobrevivencia de la población nativa, indígena, consideradas ricas en cultura pero “arcaicas” desde la perspectiva occidental-industrialista. El actor central indígena que le da carne al discurso del gobierno ha sido arremetido. El proceso boliviano presenta la posibilidad de construir un Estado y una sociedad con mayores oportunidades e igualdad de condiciones, siempre y cuando resuelva estas contradicciones estructurales.

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