scholarly journals COVID-19: The Crossroads for Sinhala–Muslim Relations in Sri Lanka

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110218
Author(s):  
Mohamed Imtiyaz Abdul Razak ◽  
Amjad Mohamed Saleem
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Data Gathering ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Holistic Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Tamil Tigers ◽  
The Government

Sri Lanka’s ethnic civil war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), also known as the Tamil Tigers, and the government of Sri Lanka comprising the majority of the Sinhalese Buddhist community came to a bloody end in May 2009. Muslims, whose political and civil society elite had largely supported the Sri Lankan state and security forces, welcomed the end of the war and the defeat of the Tamil Tigers given the history of the community with the LTTE. The expectations by the Muslims (and other communities) that peace would return to the country, were quickly dashed as it appeared that a new extremist Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist movement targeting religious minorities especially the Muslims would emerge as the country grappled with post-war reconciliation. The rise of anti-Muslim rhetoric, hate speech, and incitement to violence against the community has pushed some Muslims to think that they have become the new focus for Sinhala-Buddhist extremists in the wake of the defeat of the Tamil Tigers. With suspicions of the complicity of the state apparatus in the anti-Muslim campaign, there are serious concerns around the role and place of minorities (non-Sinhala and non-Buddhist) in the future makeup of the country. While there is no concrete evidence on the state’s support for such an action, it is clear that the reluctance of the state to bring to justice those responsible for hate speech and incitement to violence since 2009 raises some serious questions about impartiality. In addition, with the increase of detentions and scrutiny of the Muslim community’s post-Easter Sunday attacks and the recent treatment of the Muslim community in the response to the ongoing global COVID-19 pandemic, including shutting down of key Muslim towns and the enforcement of forced cremations (which goes against Islamic teachings of dignified burials), there is much to ponder of an anti-Muslim strategy being mainstreamed and institutionalized by the state. This paper will seek to situate the present response to the COVID-19 pandemic by the state and its particular actions affecting the Muslim community amid a wider backdrop of a rise in anti-Muslim hatred and action. In order to understand this, the paper will seek to understand the reasoning behind why Muslims who supported the war against the Tamil Tigers, have now become the enemy for Sinhala-Buddhist extremists. It does this through primary and secondary data gathering including interviews conducted between July 2020 and February 2021. In so doing this paper will explore the development of Muslim political and religious identity by looking at a historical perspective. This paper makes the argument that a holistic approach needs to be developed to avoid a new conflict taking place in Sri Lanka and to avoid violent Islamist extremism taking hold.

scholarly journals KEBERLAKUAN HUKUM PENODAAN AGAMA DI INDONESIA ANTARA TERTIB HUKUM DAN TANTANGAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Heru Susetyo ◽  
Farida Prihatini ◽  
Abdurakhman Abdurakhman ◽  
Nurindah Hilimi ◽  
Intan Mahabah ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
The State ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
Criminal Sanctions ◽  
International Human ◽  
The Government

<p><em>Indonesia with its five pillars of Pancasila binds the State and its citizens to "Believe in Almighty" where the religious identity is the spirit of the State that must be respected. This is proven by the existence of Law No. 1/PNPS/1965 concerning the Prevention of Blasphemy that prohibits blasphemy, atheism, or any belief other than the religious identity recognized by the government and law. Article 156 (a) of the criminal code, known as the Criminal Code, also punishes "the dissemination of information aimed at inciting religious hatred or hostility" for five years in prison. In addition, the Information and Electronic Transaction Law (ITE) Law No. 11 of 2008, regulating criminal sanctions for libel, hate speech, and insulting certain religions/beliefs through electronic devices. On the other hand, the 1945 Constitution, as well as the Human Rights Act of 1999 and Law No. 12/2005 concerning Ratification of the ICCPR guarantees freedom of expression, religion, and belief. Criticism of religion is quite limited and support for atheism is definitely still banned in Indonesia. Therefore, this article yearns to explore the dynamics of law enforcement and defamation in Indonesia in national and international human rights regimes. Then, does the law on blasphemy have a legal basis in the Indonesian legal system, national and international human rights regimes, and the surrounding social values? This study compares the application of religious blasphemy laws in several regions in Indonesia and in several Southeast Asian countries.</em></p>

scholarly journals Merebaknya Intoleransi (Hate Speech dan Hate Crime) dalam Politik Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.

scholarly journals MEMBANGUN AKUNTABILITAS ORGANISASI BANTUAN HUKUM

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Mosgan Situmorang
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Services ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The Public ◽  
Primary Material ◽  
The Government ◽  
Secondary Materials

<p>Dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 tentang Bantuan Hukum dikatakan bahwa pemberi bantuan hukum adalah lembaga bantuan hukum atau organisasi kemasyarakatan yang memberi layanan bantuan hukum. Jasa hukum yang diberikan kepada penerima bantuan hukum adalah cuma-cuma, dalam ar Ɵ mereka Ɵ dak mendapat upah dari pihak yang dibantunya, namun pemerintah akan memberikan dana bantuan untuk se Ɵ ap kasus yang ditangani yang besarnya disesuaikan dengan jenis kasusnya. Dana bantuan tersebut memang Ɵ dak akan diberikan kepada semua organisasi bantuan hukum, tetapi hanya kepada organisasi bantuan hukum yang sudah memenuhi syarat sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Bantuan Hukum. Karena dana tersebut berasal dari Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara, maka tentu saja akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum yang menerima dana tersebut harus dapat dipertanggung jawaban kepada masyarakat. Tulisan ini adalah berupa kajian norma Ɵ f, dengan demikian data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder berupa bahan primer yakni peraturan perundang undangan, utamanya Undang-Undang Nomor 16 Tahun 2011 dan undang- undang lain yang terkait serta bahan sekunder berupa bahan kepustakaan dan data dari internet. Dalam peneli Ɵ an ini disimpulkan bahwa Undang- Undang Bantuan Hukum sudah dapat mengan Ɵ sipasi perlunya akuntabilitas organisasi bantuan hukum tapi masih perlu di Ɵ ngkatkan dengan cara membuat aturan-aturan yang mendukung terciptanya akuntabilitas tersebut terutama peraturan mengenai standar bantuan hukum.</p><p>In Law No. 16 Year 2011 regarding Legal Aid, stated that legal aid provider is a legal aid organiza Ɵ on or community organiza Ɵ ons that provide legal aid services. Legal services provided by the legal aid organiza Ɵ on is free in the sense that they do not get paid from those who helped. However, the government will provide fi nancial assistance for each case handled that amount is in accordance with the type of case. The grant is not given to all legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but only to a legal aid organiza Ɵ on that has been quali fi ed in accordance with the Legal Aid Act. Because these funds come from the state budget of course accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons receiving funds must be able to be an answer to the public. This paper is a norma Ɵ ve review, thus the data used are secondary data from the primary material i.e laws and regula Ɵ ons, especially Law No. 16 of 2011 and other laws related and secondary materials in the form of the literature and data from the internet.This study concluded that the Legal Aid Act was able to an Ɵ cipate the need for accountability of legal aid organiza Ɵ ons but it is need to be improved by making rules that favor the crea Ɵ on of accountability mainly standard rules regarding legal aid.</p>

scholarly journals DEFENDING THE STATE THROUGH LOCAL FOOD CAMPAIGN ON INTERNET MEDIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lusia Handayani ◽  
Munawar K. Nahrawi
Keyword(s):  
Local Food ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The State ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Internet Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Defense ◽  
Use Of Internet

<p>Food is the fundamental right of every human being. Communities or nations that are not satisfied with food sufficiency will have the potential to cause economic instability and even to bring down a government. Dependence on rice as a staple food can threaten economic and political stability when food is not adequately covered. One alternative that can be made to avoid the threat is to switch to other carbohydrates-based foods that grow in Indonesia, including sweet potato, cassava, arrowroot, and ganyong. However, those local food variety is still considered as second-class food, due to the persistence to rice-eating culture. Therefore, there is a necessity to create a local food campaign on internet media. The Internet is now growing into a medium capable to reach all kinds of people in a quick and precise manner. This descriptive study uses secondary data such as books and journals related to state defense and food security. The study finds that the use of internet as a medium for local food campaign to the community has not been implemented optimally, both by the government and non-government. In line with the rapid development of the internet and the importance of defending the country in all aspects, local food campaigns through internet media require the participation of all stakeholders.</p><p align="left"> </p><strong>Keywords</strong>: defending of the state, local food campaign, internet

scholarly journals Mathematical modeling approach to predict COVID-19 infected people in Sri Lanka

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 4672-4699
Author(s):  
I. H. K. Premarathna ◽  
◽  
H. M. Srivastava ◽  
Z. A. M. S. Juman ◽  
Ali AlArjani ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Logistic Growth ◽  
Solution Technique ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Infected People ◽  
Proposed Model ◽  
New Finding ◽  
Stochastic Forecasting ◽  
The Government

<abstract> <p>The novel corona virus (COVID-19) has badly affected many countries (more than 180 countries including China) in the world. More than 90% of the global COVID-19 cases are currently outside China. The large, unanticipated number of COVID-19 cases has interrupted the healthcare system in many countries and created shortages for bed space in hospitals. Consequently, better estimation of COVID-19 infected people in Sri Lanka is vital for government to take suitable action. This paper investigates predictions on both the number of the first and the second waves of COVID-19 cases in Sri Lanka. First, to estimate the number of first wave of future COVID-19 cases, we develop a stochastic forecasting model and present a solution technique for the model. Then, another solution method is proposed to the two existing models (SIR model and Logistic growth model) for the prediction on the second wave of COVID-19 cases. Finally, the proposed model and solution approaches are validated by secondary data obtained from the Epidemiology Unit, Ministry of Health, Sri Lanka. A comparative assessment on actual values of COVID-19 cases shows promising performance of our developed stochastic model and proposed solution techniques. So, our new finding would definitely be benefited to practitioners, academics and decision makers, especially the government of Sri Lanka that deals with such type of decision making.</p> </abstract>

Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Segun Joshua ◽  
Samuel Sunday Idowu ◽  
Faith Osasumwen Olanrewaju
Keyword(s):  
Data Gathering ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Internally Displaced Persons ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Deep Blue ◽  
Involuntary Migration ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Devil

The world is currently faced with the problem of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Africa and Middle East has the highest figure of IDPs. Nigeria tops the list of countries with largest population of IDPs in Africa. The Boko Haram insurgency has made Nigeria one of the flash points of high concentration of IDPs. Anchored on forced /involuntary migration theory, using primary and secondary data gathering techniques, the study examines insurgency and conditions of IDPs camps in Nigeria, focusing on NYSC camp in Girei Local Government, Adamawa State. The study finds that the condition in NYSC IDP camp is deplorable as IDPs lack access to basic essentials of life. The study recommends among others the need for the government to be more committed to the welfare of IDPs and also curb corruption of government officials in the camp as this has worsen the already deplorable condition of IDPs.

scholarly journals The Muslims’ Quest for a Kalmunai Administrative District in South-Eastern Sri Lanka: An Analysis of the Challenges from Their Community and Politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Mohammad Agus Yusoff ◽  
Athambawa Sarjoon
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
Eastern Region ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Administrative District ◽  
The Public ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Coastal Belt ◽  
The Government ◽  
Different Sources

The Muslim community living in the “South-Eastern Region” of Sri Lanka has long been urging the government authorities to establish a separate Kalmunai administrative district carved out of the coastal belt of the present Amparai district, as an institutional mechanism to improve public service delivery and development administration functions in the region. However, the establishment of the Kalmunai administrative district has continually been challenged, receiving criticism and oppositions from different sources, including from the Muslim community and its politicians. This study analyzes the perspectives of Muslim community and its politics towards the demand for the Kalmunai administrative district and its impacts on the political advocacy and methods to achieving it. This study has found that there are different and contradictory perspectives on the matter of the Kalmunai administrative district among the Muslim political parties and in different segments of the community. It is also discovered that the public understanding on the subject of the proposed district is very minimal. The establishment of the proposed Kalmunai administrative district has frequently failed on many crucial occasions mainly due to the lack of consensus among the Muslims leaders regarding the contested subjects of the proposed district. Additionally, this study has observed that the Muslim leaders have conceptualized the proposed Kalmunai district purely based on ethnicity only and have failed to justify it on public and rational grounds. The study has further found that the establishment of the proposed Kalmunai administrative district and its purported positive impacts would strongly depend on making the demand for the proposed district a more secular and public one.

scholarly journals Situation of Tatars and other Muslim minorities in communist Bulgaria

2021 ◽  
pp. 20-32
Author(s):  
Eldar Kh. Seidametov ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
The State ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Minorities ◽  
The Way

The article examines the situation of the Tatars and other Muslim minorities in Bulgaria during the communist period. The policy of the state in relation to Muslim minorities after the proclamation of the People`s Republic of Bulgaria and the establishment of socialism in the state according to the Soviet model, when the political, economic and social models of the USSR were imported and introduced without taking into account the national characteristics of Bulgaria, are analyzed. As in the Soviet Union (especially in the early stage of its formation, religion was banned and this applied to all confessions without exception. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) made every effort eradicate religious identity and, in particular, Islamic identity. It was planned to replace the religious ideological fragment with a socialist one, and then, on its platform, form and stimulate the development of the national, modernist and Soviet identity of Muslims. Moreover, the emphasis was also placed on improving the way of life and the material situation of the Muslim population, which, according to the Marxist theory of culture, should have contributed to a more effective formation of socialist consciousness. The ruling party saw in the Muslim religious consciousness and rudiments of the Ottoman past, an obstacle on the way of socialist progress and formation of socialist consciousness. Emasculating elements of the religious worldview from the mind of people, the BCP set itself the task of creating a modern, secular, socialist personality. To this end, in 1946–1989 the government implemented a number of economic, educational and cultural establishments.

scholarly journals Indonesian Clove Competitiveness and Competitor Countries in International Market

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-54
Author(s):  
Adnan Putra Pratama ◽  
Dwidjono Hadi Darwanto ◽  
Masyhuri Masyhuri
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Market Share ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
International Market ◽  
Panel Data Regression ◽  
Data Regression ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Star Position

Trade liberalization is currently demanding every country to increase the competitiveness of its products. Indonesia as the largest clove producer in the world has a major competitor in the international market. This study aims to determine the competitiveness of Indonesia's clove exports and competing countries in the international market and determine the factors that affect its competitiveness. The data used in this study are secondary data from five major producing countries namely Indonesia, Madagascar, Tanzania, Sri Lanka, and Comoros during the period 2000-2017 sourced from UNComtrade, FAO and the World Bank. Competitiveness is measured by Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA), Acceleration Ratio (AR) and Export Product Dynamic (EPD) while the factors that affect competitiveness are used panel data regression methods using E-Views software. The results showed that Indonesia had the lowest RCA index, the AR value showed Madagascar and Tanzania were able to capture market share in the international market and the EPD value showed that all countries occupied the rising star position except Sri Lanka in the falling star position. Panel data regression analysis results show that the market share and GDP variables significantly influence the competitiveness of the main clove producing countries while the production variables and export prices do not significantly influence the country's competitiveness. The government must dare to take policies to limit clove imports and increase exports.

scholarly journals Expansion of the Objects of State Administrative Disputes after the Enactment of Law Number 30 of 2014 Concerning Government Administration and Supreme Court Regulation Number 2 of 2019 Concerning Guidelines for the Resolution and Authority to Adjudicate Unlawful Conducts by Government Agencies or Officials (Onrechtmatige Overheidsdaad / OOD)

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Sonyendah Retnaningsih ◽  
Disriani Latifah Soroinda Nasution ◽  
Heryna Oktaviani ◽  
Muhammad Rizqi Alfarizi Ramadhan
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
State Administration ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Government

Historically, State Administrative Court (PTUN) has existed since 1986, with the enactment of Law Number 5 of 1986 concerning State Administrative Court which currently has been amended by Law Number 9 of 2004 concerning Amendment to Law Number 5 of 1986 concerning State Administrative Court and amended again by Law Number 51 of 2009 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 5 of 1986 concerning State Administrative Court. The role of the Administrative Court according to the explanation of the law, the PTUN functions as a control or supervisory agency thus legal actions from government officials do not deviate, in addition to protecting the rights of citizens from the actions of officials who abuse their authority or act arbitrarily. Currently, the object of dispute and can be sued at the State Administrative Court is only a State Administration decision reduced by the exceptions stipulated in Article 2 and Article 49 of the PTUN Law. The provisions of Article 3 of the Administrative Court Law No. 5 of 1986 on negative fictitious could potentially no longer be enforced since the enactment of Article 53 of the AP Law which stipulates positive fictitious. Since the promulgation of Law Number 30 of 2014 concerning Government Administration (hereinafter referred to as AP Law) on 17 October 2014, there has been a change in the legal criteria from the government written stipulation (beschikkingen) which was initially restrictive and can be sued to the PTUN, yet it has recently become extensive (which was originally mere beschkking, currently it almost covers all variations of besluiten). With the enactment of the AP Law, there will be an expansion of absolute competence and objects of state administration disputes, as stipulated in Article 87 of the AP Law which includes: first, Government Administration Decrees, as stipulated in Article 1 point 7 of the AP Law; second, Government Administration Actions Based on Article 1 point 8 of the AP Law. Furthermore, with the enactment of the Supreme Court Regulation Number 2 of 2019 concerning Guidelines for Government Action Dispute Resolution and the Authority to Adjudicate Unlawful Conducts by Government Agencies and/or Officials (onrechtmatige overheidsdaad / OOD), the judicial power shall transfer from the General Court to the State Administrative Court. This crucial matter continues to be the groundwork and reason for conducting the current research entitled the expansion of the state administration dispute object after the enactment of Law Number 30 of 2014 concerning Government Administration and the supreme court regulation (Perma) Number 2 of 2019 concerning Guidelines for Government Action Dispute Resolution and Authority to Adjudicate Unlawful Conducts by the Government Agencies and/or Officials (onrechtmatige overheidsdaad / OOD). Conducted through normative juridical research method, this research-based paper examined the interviews through judges at PTUN Jakarta and Bandung and the main data source within this qualitative analysis serves as the secondary data or literature data.

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