scholarly journals China’s Policy in Arctic region

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
V. Yu. Karandasheva

The article deals with the process of formation of China’s Arctic policy and mechanisms for its implementation. Till the end of the 1990s, Beijing was not interested in the Arctic region because of its geographical remoteness from China, as well as because of the lack of the necessary scientific and technological basis. The economic reforms of 1972 and the establishment of the Arctic Council in 1996 gave an impetus to the development of China’s policy in the Arctic. Since then, China has intensified its activities aimed at expanding the state’s presence in the region. Special attention is given to China’s policy document in the region ― a white paper titled “China’s Arctic Policy”. It is noted that this document was aimed at legitimizing China’s activities in the region.Despite the fact that the Arctic is not a priority region for Beijing, China is a prominent actor there. China’s attention to the Arctic is determined by economic factors, namely, by the possible development of the region’s resources, as well as its transport capacities, which can be used in the framework of the One Belt One Road Initiative.The article analyses China’s cooperation with the «Arctic five» countries and the position of the Arctic States towards intensifying Beijing’s activities in the region. China is promoting cooperation with Norway, Denmark and Iceland. despite the existing contradictions, it is noted that the Arctic states are interested, as Chinese investments play an important role in the development of the region. China has consistently stated the need for greater involvement of interested non-regional states in the multilateral management of the region, while respecting the sovereignty of the Arctic countries.

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 299-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corine Wood-Donnelly

Abstract The 2011 ‘Agreement on Cooperation on Aeronautical and Maritime Search and Rescue in the Arctic’ (henceforth SAR Agreement) is the first instrument of hard law produced by the eight states of the Arctic Council. While the agreement ostensibly addresses search and rescue related issues for the Arctic region, it is capable of being understood in a variety of legal, political and cultural contexts. Three elements are teased out in particular – the SAR Agreement as a legal policy document, as indicative of evolving Arctic international relations, and as indicative of particular geopolitical logics. As the paper concludes, however, the SAR Agreement has not been entirely free of political intrigue.


2021 ◽  
pp. 128-143
Author(s):  
Elena G. USHAKOVA ◽  

In recent circumstances of world climate change, Arctic zone has become of great interest for those countries actively involved in its development. With the constant climate warming, deglaciation and increasing of sea-level, commercial transport ways through the Arctic Ocean become a possible economic solution for large exporting countries. Due to importance of north passage for China, Beijing proclaimed itself as a "near-circle State" to get advantages from the development of Northern Sea Route (NSR) that can provide direct access to the Arctic zone and its natural resources. Considering this, China has recently published its White Paper on Arctic Policy, where it announces "Ice Silk Road" to be the official Arctic strategy of China. This article underlines the major intentions and interests of China in its Arctic strategy. One of China's intentions is an enhancement of the Northern Sea Route, that still raises concerns from the specialists whether it can be applicable part of Arctic strategy of China. This article approves that according to Ice Silk Road's connotation Russia should play an indispensable role in China's advancement to the Arctic zone through NSR. Moreover, the author investigates the influence of "Ice Silk Road" on Sino-Russian relations. Both China and Russia appear to prioritize this strategy to ameliorate economic situation and infrastructure in less-developed regions of two countries. Though, economic development of Arctic coastal cities is one of the priorities of the Russian Federation, it remains to be attentive to the involvement of China in the development of the region, mainly out of fear that it will influence its legal position in the Arctic region. Meanwhile, it stays important that two governments come to a consensus concerning the legislative basis of NSR usage and have a deep assessment of advantages and disadvantages that come out as a result of their partnership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 11875
Author(s):  
Yen-Chiang Chang ◽  
Mehran Idris Khan

In addition to the traditional so-called Arctic states, non-Artic states and some other international organisations are now showing a growing interest in this area. China, for example, has achieved some progress, since becoming an Arctic Council permanent observer, through participation in resource development in the region and strengthening its bilateral relations with the Arctic states. The present study examines China’s Arctic policy and its implications for the governance of the Arctic Ocean. It also provides an insight into the existing relevant international legal instruments and examines China’s interest in the participation, governance, and resource protection activities in the Arctic Ocean region, to successfully implement Chinese Arctic policy. To this end, the study examines the connection between the “white paper” and “China’s Arctic Policy”, in the context of executing the “Belt and Road Initiative”, in particular the “Arctic Silk Road”. The study concludes that China intends to perform a dynamic role in governing the Arctic Ocean, as a less challenging but cooperative partner in this region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (03) ◽  
pp. 345-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Tillman ◽  
Jian Yang ◽  
Egill Thor Nielsson

The introduction of the “Polar Silk Road (PSR)” into the first comprehensive white paper on Arctic policy is a historic step for China’s Arctic engagement. Over the past few years, China has achieved policy synergies and launched industrial, scientific and technological cooperation with Russia and Nordic countries. With enlarged interests and enhanced capabilities, China is becoming a preferred partner for Russia and Nordic countries in a number of infrastructure, energy and transportation projects within the Arctic region. The PSR framework to advance Arctic cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) presents both economic opportunities and social as well as environmental challenges for Chinese enterprises to balance the utilization and protection of the Arctic.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timo Koivurova ◽  
Kai Kokko ◽  
Sebastien Duyck ◽  
Nikolas Sellheim ◽  
Adam Stepien

ABSTRACTThe European Union's (EU's) intention of becoming a permanent observer in the Arctic Council and the reluctance of Arctic actors to grant it that status have made the union's aspirations in the Arctic the subject of a continuing debate. The discussion appears to be dominated by geographical considerations and the EU's gradually emerging Arctic policy. This article puts forward a different view of the EU's presence in the region, one drawing on an analysis of relevant EU competences. As a complex international actor, the EU has acquired a broad array of decision-making powers from its member states, powers that partly extend to Iceland and Norway via the EEA Agreement. Moreover, the EU has in many cases become a relevant actor in international negotiations and treaty making processes the outcomes of which are of crucial importance for the governance of the Arctic. Our argument in the third and concluding section is that only by including the EU in Arctic governance can the international community provide better prospects for the union to sensitise its policies and discourses to the Arctic realities and for other Arctic actors to understand how the union functions. This argument is supported by an analysis of the EU's restrictions on the import of seal products and the ensuing litigation.


Author(s):  
Zhang Xiuhua

A recently released white paper on the Arctic policy emphasized the principal lines of China's activities in the Arctic, particularly development of resources, fishing and tourism, Arctic shipping routes, infrastructure, navigation security, scientific research, and environmental protection. Such priorities are in the best interest of China's strategy of the unified regional development and new architectonics of the extensive exploration of the potential of China's Northern provinces. Being the northernmost region of the country, Heilongjiang province has an opportunity to become China's outpost for the implementation of the national Arctic policy. This chapter assesses the challenges and perspectives of turning Heilongjiang province into a transport and logistics hub between Northeast Asia, Europe, and North America by China's participation in the development of the Arctic Blue Economic Corridor. The author elaborates an idea of the establishment of the Arctic Research and Industrial Cluster based on the scientific, technological, and industrial facilities of Heilongjiang province.


Author(s):  
Nikolay Kotlyarov

In recent years, the international expert community has demonstrated a growing interest in China's Arctic policy. To a great extent, such an interest has been triggered by recent gaining an observer status in the Arctic Council by China, as well as by China's efforts to actively participate in elaborating the rules of global governance. China has a range of interests in the Arctic, including climate change problems, opportunities for energy diversification, and development of the Northern Sea Route. Among Russian experts, the discussion on the desirability of cooperation with China has lately shifted towards the acknowledging the need to strengthen Russia-China strategic partnership in the Arctic, particularly in the context of worsening relations between Russia and Western countries. The chapter addresses recent trends in Russia's and China's attitudes to bilateral cooperation in the Arctic and analyzes experts' approaches to the settlement of disputes, including such issues as the legal regime of the Arctic and the development of navigation along the Northern Sea Route.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-77
Author(s):  
T.S. Sukhodaeva ◽  

The article discusses the features of the Arctic zone, its place in the world economy and international relations. The reasons for the intersection of the geopolitical interests of the leading states of the world in this region are revealed. The main directions of scientific and technical cooperation in the development of the Arctic are identified. The role of the Arctic Council in solving the problem of coordinating the interests of various actors in the region is shown. The strategic necessity of the development of the Arctic as a region free of conflicts and rivalry is substantiated. The analysis of the Russian Arctic policy and mechanisms for its implementation. The author substantiates the conclusion that the development of the Russian Arctic zone can become a driving force for the qualitative growth of the national economy, the formation of the country's competitive advantages in the long term, as well as maintaining the global ecological balance and stability.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-267
Author(s):  
Barry S. Zellen

Successful collaboration between the indigenous peoples and the sovereign states of Arctic North America has helped to stabilise the Arctic region, fostering meaningful indigenous participation in the governance of their homeland, the introduction of new institutions of self-governance at the municipal, tribal and territorial levels, and successful diplomatic collaborations at the international level through the Arctic Council. This stability and the reciprocal and increasingly balanced relationship between sovereign states and indigenous stakeholders has yielded a widely recognised spirit of international collaboration often referred to as Arctic exceptionalism. With competition in the Arctic between states on the rise, the multitude of co-management systems and the multi-level, inter-governmental and inter-organisational relationships they have nurtured across the region will help to neutralise new threats to ‘Arctic Exceptionalism’ posed by intensifying inter-state tensions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-68
Author(s):  
Valery Zhuravel ◽  

The article notes that in the period of preparation for the chairmanship of the Arctic Council (2021–2023), in order to further develop the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation, new strategic documents, a package of benefits and preferences for business development were prepared and approved, measures were taken for the sustainable development of indigenous peoples, and to increase the role of science in Arctic research. The author draws attention to some unsolved problems of socio-economic development of the Arctic region (outflow of the population, especially young people; shortcomings of the organization of the shift method of work and centralized coordination and control of state orders and supplies to the population of hard-to-reach Arctic regions; violation of environmental requirements). It is emphasized that Russia assumes the post of chairman of the Arctic Council at a difficult time: the coronavirus pandemic, political tensions in relations with the West, including on issues of management and security of the Arctic, economic sanctions from the Arctic states, which creates certain difficulties in the activities in the Arctic direction. The author concludes that the developed program, the plan of main events, the activity of ministries and departments in the next 2 years will allow us to successfully cope with the chairmanship, show our foreign colleagues all the best that is available in the Russian Far North, and contribute to the strengthening of the Arctic Council.


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