scholarly journals STUDI KOMPARATIF PENGATURAN SISTEM PEMILIHAN UMUM ANGGOTA DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DI INDONESIA

FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agus Effendi

Abstract Electoral system is one of the factors that affect the development of democracy and political state. It is need to get the attention of people who want improvement democracy. The electoral system, especially in implementation of house of representative election, it becomes a study that need attention given during the general election of house of representative (DPR) members eleven times from some period of democracy is different, it cannot fully realize the elections are truly ideal for the development of democracy and resulted in the representatives of the people and reflecting the aspirations properly represent the people's interests. Electoral Systems Member house of representative applied to the Election Period Old Order Period until Election Reform Order, both the closed proportional system and open proportional system and the rest of the votes, in principle have a weakness at the same advantages. Keywords: Regulation, Election System, House of Representative AbstrakSistem pemilu sebagai salah satu faktor yang mempengaruhi perkembangan demokrasi dan politik negara, tentunya sangat perlu untuk mendapat perhatian dari kita semua yang menginginkan perbaikan demokrasi. Sistem pemilu, khususnya dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu anggota DPR, menjadi kajian yang perlu mendapat perhatian mengingat selama penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum anggota DPR sebanyak 11 (sebelas) kali dari beberapa masa demokrasi yang berbeda-beda, belum sepenuhnya dapat mewujudkan pemilu yang benar-benar ideal bagi perkembangan demokrasi dan menghasilkan wakil-wakil rakyat yang aspiratif dan benar-benar mewakili kepentingan rakyat. Sistem Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR yang diterapkan pada Pemilu Masa Orde Lama sampai dengan Pemilu Masa Orde Reformasi, baik sistem proporsional tertutup maupun sistem proporsional terbuka dan sisa suara terbanyak, pada prinsipnya memiliki kelemahan sekaligus kelebihan. Kata Kunci: Pengaturan, Sistem Pemilihan Umum, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
M. Tauchid Noor ◽  
Kamarudin Kamarudin

The amendment of the 1945 Constitution sets that governors, regents, and local mayors are democratic in their election, originally selected by the legislative assembly and latterly sifted into direct election from the people. Based on the regulation No. 22 of 2007, it states that the election of local leader and co-leader is characterized as the part of general election regime, and thus it brings impact on local election, which should run directly as well. This article examines the arising problems on local election after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, which reveals various problematic factors in the implementation of direct election for local head has been officially established. Indonesia has run local election many times in different eras, including in Dutch colonialism, Japan colonialism, and post-independence era. In post-independence era, Indonesia also has various political climates and traditions and including Old Order, New Order, and reformation era. The alteration of this general election system aims to provide fair democracy for all people to vote for their local leaders. The implementation, however, encounters several factors and problems derived from the level of participation up to the readiness of local election committee.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (02) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
Anajeng Esri Edhi Mahanani

Problems related to the resultant electoral system and the government system are the focus of the discussion in this study. Types of electoral systems, as well as types of governmental systems are discussed to be able to be a study of the use of electoral systems and government systems. The purpose of discussing this problem is to analyze the electoral system and the government system that are compatible with the implementation of democracy in Indonesia. This research is discussed through normative analysis, and through qualitative methods. The results of the qualitative normative analysis can be seen as follows: First, the results of the analysis show that there is a resultant between the electoral system towards the implementation of democracy in Indonesia as seen from the theory of the people's unity and the representative system. The consultant becomes strong if the general election system used is a purely open proportional electoral system, namely the voter as the supreme sovereignty constitution, can know with certainty who the candidate is and will help determine who is the people's representative. Second, there is a result between the government system and the implementation of democracy, the theory of popular sovereignty and the system of representation. Parliamentary and presidential government systems have their own weak points and strengths. However, the presidential system applied in democratic countries in Indonesia is better, because it tends to be more stable in its accountability. Placing the highest sovereignty as the only party that accepts the responsibility of those who have been elected to the executive and parliamentary institutions. The concept developed is a system of political representation, not as a system of partisan representation .   Keywords:  Resultan, District System, Proporsional System, Presidensiil, Parlementary


Author(s):  
Ananda Mahardika ◽  
Faizal Hamzah Lubis

Regional head elections (Pilkada) are one of the means used to demonstrate the democratic value of a government. Practically the activities and actions that apply in the pilkada are adopted from the general election system prevailing in Indonesia. Therefore, the pilkada is expected to be able to form local democracy in the regions. However, the facts show that the implementation of the pilkada actually shows the apathy of the people in the elections. According to the author's observations, the apathy of the people in the elections is inseparable from the perceptions formed by the community towards the pilkada. This perception then shapes people's behavior that distorts the objectives of the pilkada as a means of building local democracy in the region. Therefore this study aims to see how people's perceptions of the pilkada as a means of building local democracy. Especially in the Talawi sub-district, Batu Bara Regency. In this study the authors used quantitative research methods to measure people's perceptions of the elections as a means of building local democracy in the regions. From the results of the research conducted, it can be seen that the people of Talawi sub-district give negative perceptions of the pilkada. The community doubts the ability of the pilkada as a means of building local democracy in the region. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Fuad Putra Perdana Ginting ◽  
Anwar Saragih

This study raises a discussion about the Illusion of Substantial Democracy in Indonesia: A Criticism of the Implementation of Theshold's Parliamentary. Since the 2009 general election. Indonesia has begun to introduce a parliamentary threshold system (Parliamentary Theshold) which sets a 2.5% threshold. Then in the next election, the 2014 election rose to 3.5% in the spirit of simplifying the number of parties in parliament. However, in fact this did not happen. Because, the number of political parties resulting from the 2009 elections which were 9 parties actually increased to 10 parties in the 2014 election. There were other problems in the electoral system using Theshold Parliamentary. As in the 2009 elections there were 29 political parties whose voices were lost due to this system, then in the 2014 elections there were 2 political parties who also lost votes due to the threshold system. Of course, as a democracy the people must know where the voice is. Is the system of implementing the Theshold Parliamentary system in the Indonesian elections in line with the essence of substantial democracy? The results of this study indicate the parliamentary threshold system has an impact on the loss of the voice of small parties, transactional presidential elections and the parliamentary threshold limiting democratic rights. Indonesia needs an electoral system that is honest, free, high-quality, transparent and represents the wishes of the majority of Indonesia's ractates


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (84) ◽  
pp. 404-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Gallagher

The general election of 1922 was the first election to be held in the independent Irish state, the first held under the PR electoral system, and the first to be contested by the parties which, in modified forms, were to dominate subsequent Irish politics. The 1918 election, at which Sinn Féin had routed the Irish parliamentary party, had been the last of the old order. The 1922 election was the first of the new order — the two wings of Sinn Féin were challenged by Labour and other interests, as was to be the pattern for the next fifty years at least. In that light, this paper represents an attempt to start the scarcely-begun task of closely analysing modern Irish elections. Furthermore, the 1922 election merits attention because of the unusual circumstances under which it was held, foremost among which was the ‘pact’ between Michael Collins and Eamon de Valera.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-264
Author(s):  
Mahesa Rannie

Throughout its history, Indonesia has held general elections many times from 1955 to 2019. During that long period of time, Indonesia implemented a different electoral system at each election. The arrangement of the electoral system in Indonesia always changes from time to time in each election administration. In the process of changing the laws and the regulations for every election, there has always been legal political dynamics. After the 2014 elections, there have been changes regarding the conduct of elections in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK) granted the petition for a judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President in 2014, so that the implementation of elections in Indonesia entered a new phase in 2019 and beyond. In 2019, for the first time Indonesia held simultaneous elections. The methodology used in this study is normative. The approaches used in this study are the historical approach, the statute approach, the legal analysis approach, and the conceptual approach. Legal arrangements regarding the conduct of elections always change, starting from the highest level of legislative regulations to the lowest (from the laws to the General Election Commission regulations, presidential decrees, ministerial regulations, or other regulations). The changes in the regulations regarding the implementation of elections in Indonesia have been present since the time of the 1955 elections until the 2019 elections. Since the implementation of the 1955 elections, Indonesia has always practiced a proportional electoral system, the electoral system that is considered suitable to be applied in Indonesia. This proportional electoral system is practiced with various modifications (both the open proportional electoral system and the closed proportional system). There are even district elements in the proportional electoral system in Indonesia, for example there are electoral districts that can be equated with districts in the district electoral system. The practice of the electoral system to be used in the elections in Indonesia is almost always subject to debate, both among constitutional law intellectuals and politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-248
Author(s):  
U. Amanaliev

The author, in this article, gives the concept of the electoral system and examines the electoral system of the Kyrgyz Republic. He considered the issues of choosing deputies of the Supreme Council (Zhogorku Kenesh). Also, to solve problematic issues, the author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral system of neighboring and distant foreign countries. Also, the author in this article noted the irresponsibility of the people’s representatives. Firstly, the deputy was included in the list subject to agreement with the election program of a political party. Secondly, the exclusion of a representative with a mandate from the party and leaving him in parliament is tantamount to unjustified voters’ confidence. In this case, the party or people’s representative, expelled from the party, but still working in parliament, first of all remains to protect their own interests, not the people. As a result, it can be argued that the people's representative, who has a deputy mandate, has no responsibility to voters in parliament. The proposed system, the author will develop advanced legal thought in achieving the principles of equality, justice and the search for effective power. This system combines the advantages of a proportional and majority system, eliminates, as far as possible, their individual disadvantages. In preferential elections, citizens are given the opportunity to vote as in a majoritarian election, but the votes of the losers and winners will be counted and put into a common party piggy bank. If we carry out the reform of the proposed electoral system, then the road opens to the parliament for well-known and honest people who have merit to the people and the country, a good reputation, business training and have their own citizenship.


Author(s):  
Bernhard Weßels

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Please check back later for the full article. Political representation is at the heart of liberal democracies. Whether democracy is understood as popular rule or as effective fate control by the people, representation is the means to realize the democratic idea of giving people a voice in large states. Thus, from a normative point of view, there should be a causal relationship between citizens’ interests and policy decisions of representatives. Elections are the major link establishing causality between the wishes of the people and acts of governance. However, how and whom citizens elect varies considerably across democracies. The two ideal types, or “two visions of democracy” as Bingham Powell has called them, are majoritarian and proportional elections. In a majoritarian electoral system, citizens elect persons in single-member districts. In a proportional electoral system, citizens elect parties voting for lists and parties determine by candidate selection how those lists are composed. The causal link between citizens and representatives differs clearly between the two kinds of elections. The mandate in the majoritarian model is given to a person, and this person is held accountable in the next elections for her performance. In the proportional model, the mandate is given to a party, and the party is held accountable in the next elections. Thus, different actors have the duty to deliver representation in different electoral systems: individual deputies in the majoritarian, political parties in the proportional model. This implies that representatives should have different roles and foci of representation depending on the mode of their election. The two visions of democracy embedded in the two electoral systems carry distinct normative ideals about good representation. Looking at political representation in democracies from a comparative perspective, electoral systems seem to induce the respective orientation toward the mandate and whom to represent by different incentives for candidates running in single-member districts or on party lists. The role of a party delegate is more frequent in proportional, the delegate and trustee roles more frequent in majoritarian systems. In majoritarian systems, representatives are very much inclined to represent the median voter of the district; in proportional systems, representatives rather tend to represent their party voters.


Author(s):  
Chris Wickham

Amid the disintegration of the Kingdom of Italy in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, a new form of collective government—the commune—arose in the cities of northern and central Italy. This book takes a bold new look at how these autonomous city-states came about, and fundamentally alters our understanding of one of the most important political and cultural innovations of the medieval world. The book provides richly textured portraits of three cities—Milan, Pisa, and Rome—and sets them against a vibrant backcloth of other towns. It argues that, in all but a few cases, the élite of these cities and towns developed one of the first nonmonarchical forms of government in medieval Europe, unaware that they were creating something altogether new. The book makes clear that the Italian city commune was by no means a democracy in the modern sense, but that it was so novel that outsiders did not know what to make of it. It describes how, as the old order unraveled, the communes emerged, governed by consular elites “chosen by the people,” and subject to neither emperor nor king. They regularly fought each other, yet they grew organized and confident enough to ally together to defeat Frederick Barbarossa, the German emperor, at the Battle of Legnano in 1176. This book reveals how the development of the autonomous city-state took place, which would in the end make possible the robust civic culture of the Renaissance.


Author(s):  
Daria Kozlova

This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.


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