scholarly journals Peranan Negara dalam Pembangunan Perbandingan antara Kebijakan Pemerintahan Orde Baru dengan Pemerintahan Orde Reformasi

Author(s):  
Sapto Pramono

Development is an activity process that aims to create a more advanced society and social life. Because the scope of development touches the various areas of human life, then the range to be achieved by itself summarizes many aspects, both aspects of social politics, socioeconomic, socio-cultural and defense and security issues In general, development is done in developing countries whether it seca physical, non-physical, material or immateril. Similarly, the Republic of Indonesia, from a new independence until the age of more than 70 years of republic has experienced three times the political system of government, namely the Old Order, the New Order and the Reform Order.This article attempts to elaborate a small comparison between the New Order and the Reform Order on its policies and approaches to development. The policies adopted by the New Order government were applied in two general strategies: economic strategy and political strategy.The concept used to distinguish the two order development is state centered and statism. State centered in the New Order is clarified in three different approaches: politics as commander, economy as commander and morality as commander. While the concept of statism seen in various policies with absolute properties, both on the needs of primary, secondary and tertiary. Nevertheless everything is in stable situations and conditions, although in the end the condition is false and everything is messy.In contrast to the Reform Order, all governments of the four presidents put more emphasis on democracy in various fields, whereas the concept of state centered and statism was less emphasized so that the situation and condition of primary, secondary and tertiary needs happened more leads to instability.

2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tserennadmid Chuluunbaatar

This article discusses the origins and development of political parties in the Republic of Turkey, the political forces in Turkey during Ataturk's period, and the political turmoil in Turkey during the second half of the XX century. The article includes detailed research on the struggle for the survival, in some cases, the forced closure of certain political parties and groups in Turkey, a country with a distinctive Islamic and Western oriented society. In this regards, this article aims to explain in detail, how the method of operation was followed, what political parties and groups have been emerged, what positions do they occupy in the political system, how did they affect social and political spheres, structure, organizational characteristics of Turkey. The topic was selected explore the following facts and factors: at first, to show the reasons and historical circumstances of the formation of the first political party, to identify the role and places of parties in the political and social life, thirdly, to clarify the reasons for the formation of a multi-party system; Fourth, it sets out the specifics of the development of major political parties in Turkey since 1990s. Бүгд Найрамдах Турк Улс дахь улс төрийн намын үүсэл, хөгжил Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Бүгд Найрамдах Турк улс (БНТУ) дахь улс төрийн намуудын үүсэл, хөгжлийн талаар тэр дундаа Бүгд Найрамдах улс байгуулсан цаг үе буюу дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд М.К.Ататуркээр удирдуулсан улс төрийн хүчнээс гадна үзэл, хандлагаараа ялгаатай нийгмийн бүлгүүд үүсэж, оршин байхын төлөө тэмцэж, зарим тохиолдолд хүчээр хаагдах хүртэл олон үйл явдал өрнөсөн, өвөрмөц үеийг сонгон судлахыг зорив.Исламын шашинтай боловч барууны чиг баримжаатай хөгжлийн зам сонгосон Турк улсын хувьд чухамхүү улс төрийн нам, олон намын тогтолцоо бүрэлдэн бий болсон түүхэн үйл явцтай холбогдох архив болон судалгааны мэдээлэл түлхүү ашиглалаа.Ингэхдээ БНТУ-ын түүхийн чухам хэдий үед улс төрийн ямар нам, бүлэг бий болж, дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд ямар байр суурь эзэлж, хэрхэн нөлөөлж, ямар нийгмийн бааз суурь, бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүн, зохион байгуулалтын шинж төрх, улс төрийн үйл ажиллагааны арга хэлбэрийг мөрдөж байсан талаар тайлбарлалаа.Сэдвийг сонгож авахдаа: нэгдүгээрт, Турк улсад сонгодог утгаараа улс төрийн анхны нам үүссэн шалтгаан, түүхэн нөхцөлийг харуулах, хоёрдугаарт, ХХ зууны Туркийн улс төрийн намын үйл ажиллагааг зохицуулж байсан хууль, эрх зүйн орчны онцлогийг харуулах гуравдугаарт, олон намын тогтолцоо үүсэн, бүрэлдсэн нөхцөлийг тодотгох, дөрөвдүгээрт, 1990 оноос хойших Туркийн улс төрийн намын тогтолцооны төлөвшил, онцлогийг харуулах зорилтуудыг дэвшүүлсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: Улс төрийн нам, үзэл суртал, хөгжлийн хандлага, сэтгэлгээний түүх, түүхийн үечлэл


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-141
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang

“Kekristenan dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia” membahas mengenai sejarah kekristenan di Indonesia yang diasumsikan sebagai agama yang pro terhadap penjajah dari Barat namun asumsi itu tidak benar sebagai bukti ada banyak tokoh Kristen yang ikut memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Indonesia dengan didasarkan semangat nasionalisme. Kemudian pasca-kolonial Belanda kekristenan ingin menampilkan wajah baru yang sungguh-sungguh keindonesiaan dengan lahirnya organisasi DGI/PGI. Namun seiring waktu ketika berakhirnya era orde baru dan memasuki era reformasi, kekristenan dan masyarakat lainnya di Indonesia menghadapi arus gelombang yang mengatas-namakan agama yang pergerakannya cukup masif dibandingkan di era orde lama diantaranya: kelompok Islam fundamentalis yang ingin menjadikan NKRI bersyariat Islam, adanya gerakan politik transnasional HTI yang ingin menghidupkan kembali kejayaan Islam pada abad ke-6 dan faham Wahabisme yang sarat dengan kekerasan. Persoalan lainnya ialah adanya kemiskinan yang terstruktur akibat dari krisis moneter yang melanda di Indonesia tahun 1997. Melalui masalah ini, setiap agama-agama di Indonesia harus melakukan konvergensi atas dasar keprihatinan yang sama. Abstract: Christianity and Nationalism in Indonesia” discuss the history of Christianity in Indonesia, which is assumed to be a religion that is pro to Western colonialism. Still, this assumption is incorrect as evidence that many Christian figures fought for Indonesian independence based on the spirit of nationalism. Then post-colonial of Dutch, Christianity wanted to be presented a truly Indonesian face with the birth of the DGI / PGI organization. But over time when the end of the new order and entering the era of reform, Christianity and the other societies in Indonesia faced challenges in the name of religion whose movements were quite massive compared to the old order including fundamentalist Islamic groups who wanted to make the Republic of Syariat Muslim Indonesia, a transnational HTI political movement that wanted to revive the glory of Islam in the 6th century and the ideology of Wahhabism which is loaded with violence. Another problem is the existence of structured poverty due to the monetary crisis that hit Indonesia in 1997. Through this problem, every religion in Indonesia must converge on the basis of the same concerns.


Author(s):  
Kanybek A. Kudayarov ◽  

Kyrgyzstan, like other states of the post-Soviet space, has passed a challenging path in its development since gaining independence. Three de- cades of the republic’s existence in the new geopolitical conditions revealed the peculiarities of its political, socio-economic and cultural evolution, that distinguish the Kyrgyz Republic from the Central Asian neighbours and other republics of Commonwealth of Independent States. Supporting the concept of the history of the Kyrgyz people while preserving certain traditions of the Turkic nomadic civilization has become a fundamental part of the emerging national identity. Another important feature of building the political system in the Kyrgyz Republic is the attempt to create a Western-style democratic state based on its own experience of implementing “nomadic democracy”. The presence of constant zigzag jumps in the evolution of the political system of the republic (i.e., repeated transitions from the presidential form of government to the presidential-parliamentary form and back) can be traced throughout the existence of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, it should be noted that the described processes are due to a special geographical location, which ini- tially affects the formation of the corresponding type of economic management. That in turn, affects the political development of the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.


Author(s):  
Catalina Balmaceda

The political transformation that took place at the end of the Roman Republic was a particularly rich area for historical analysis. The crisis that saw the end of the Roman Republic and the changes which gave birth to a new political system were narrated by major Roman historians who took the Roman idea of virtus as a way of interpreting and understanding their history. Tracing how virtus informed Roman thought over time, the book explores the concept and its manifestations in the narratives of four successive Latin historians who span the late republic and early principate: Sallust, Livy, Velleius, and Tacitus. Balmaceda demonstrates that the concept of virtus in these historical narratives served as a form of self-definition which fostered and propagated a new model of the ideal Roman more fitting to imperial times. As a crucial moral and political concept, virtus worked as a key idea in the complex system of Roman socio-cultural values and norms which underpinned Roman attitudes about both present and past. This book offers a re-appraisal of the historians as promoters of change and continuity in the political culture of both the Republic and the Empire.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 136-158
Author(s):  
Arif Wijaya

Abstract; this paper highlights democracy in the history of the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In the history of the nation, from independence to now, there are three kinds of democracy that once applied in the constitutional life of Indonesia, namely the liberal democracy, the guided democracy, and the Pancasila democracy. The liberal democracy leads to a failure of the Constituent establishing Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 as a replacement of Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara 1950. The Guided Democracy is under the reign of the old order and the Pancasila democracy is under the rule of the new order. Although the initial concept for the period intended as an implementation of the fourth principle of Pancasila, but the power was ultimately centralized on the hand of President. A failure of the old and the new order to uphold the values of democracy cause a reformation. In this reformation era, the values of democracy are expected to be enforced.Keywords: The liberal democracy, the guided democracy, the Pancasila democracy


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 294
Author(s):  
Ibnu Sina Chandranegara

Indonesian constitutional reform after the fall of Soeharto’s New Order brings favorable direction for the judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, has closed dark memories in the past. This article decides that the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There are some problems that remain, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through different ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what "is" and what "ought", among others. First, by changing political configuration that tends to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. In this context, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, and (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation that that may reduce constitutional guarantee. However, there are many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence after the political transition and conceptualize its order to strengthen rule of law in Indonesia


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