scholarly journals IKLAN POLITIK DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH BALI 2018: KAJIAN SEMIOTIKA (Political Advertisement of Bali Election: Semiotic Study)

Kandai ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Sang Ayu Putu Eny Parwati
Keyword(s):  
Political Advertising ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
National Hero ◽  
Political Realm ◽  
Recording Techniques

Penggunaan bahasa pada ranah politik sebagai sarana kampanye bertujuan untuk mempromosikan tokoh politik. Bahasa iklan politik biasanya berisi ungkapan dalam bentuk kalimat imperatif dan deklaratif. Selain itu, iklan politik juga menampilkan tanda-tanda nonverbal yang mengandung mitos yang berkembang di dalam masyarakat. Penelitian ini mengungkap masalah makna tanda pada iklan politik Pilkada Bali 2018 melalui kajian semiotika Ronald Barthes. Tujuan yang ingin dicapai dalam penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan secara lugas makna tanda verbal dan nonverbal pada iklan politik pada Pilkada Bali 2018. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode simak dengan didukung oleh teknik rekam dan catat. Kajian ini menemukan bahwa pesan tanda verbal dan konvensi-konvensi yang ditampilkan pada iklan pilkada 2018 yang ditulis oleh berbagai elemen masyarakat, baik sebagai pendukung pasangan calon maupun lembaga formal di Bali pada umumnya memiliki makna yang hampir sama, yakni bertolak dari sosiokultural dan sosioreligius masyarakat Bali pada umumnya, seperti penggunaan BS, BJK, dan aksara Bali yang pada intinya harapan yang ingin dicapai adalah kedamaian dan keharmonisan Bali pada umumnya. Pada sisi yang lain, makna tanda nonverbal dalam bentuk ilustrasi, logo, warna, dan tokoh yang memiliki kekuatan makna masing-masing yang bersumber pada mitos yang masih dipercaya oleh masyarakat Bali hingga saat ini, seperti tradisi Pengerebongan, warna putih, merah, dan hitam sebagai perlambangan warna dalam Trimurti, serta tokoh pahlawan nasional.The use of language in the political realm as a means of campaigning aims to promote political figures. The language of political advertising usually contains expressions in the form of imperative and declarative sentences. In addition, political advertising also displays nonverbal signs that contain myths that develop in society. This study revealed the problem of the meaning of the sign in the 2018 Bali regional election political advertising through the study of Roland Barthes's semiotics. The aim to be achieved in this research is to describe the meaning of verbal and nonverbal signs in political advertisements explicitly in the 2018 Bali regional election. The method used is the referral method supported by recording and recording techniques. This study found that the verbal signs and conventions displayed in the 2018 regional election advertisement written by various elements of society, both as supporters of the candidate pairs and formal institutions in Bali in general have almost the same meaning, namely from the sociocultural and socioreligious Balinese community in general, such as the use of BS, BJK, and Balinese script which is essentially the hope to be achieved is Balinese peace and harmony in general. On the other hand, the meaning of nonverbal signs in the form of illustrations, logos, colors, and characters who have the power of their respective meanings are based on myths that are still believed by the Balinese to this day, such as the tradition of Pengerebongan, white, red, and black as color symbolization in Trimurti, as well as national hero figures.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Nicaraguan Revolution ◽  
Clear Majority

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

Towards the Socratic Mission: Imitatio Socratis

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Climate ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
The One ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
The Church

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.

The avant-garde’s visual arts in the context of Santayana’s idea of vital liberty

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Visual Arts ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Universe

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.

scholarly journals FEMALE VOICES IN NEPALI NOVELS

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Female Characters ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Psychological Issues ◽  
Societal Norms ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Political Spectrum

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.

scholarly journals Jak możliwa (do pomyślenia) jest dobrowolna niewola? O nowożytnych formach rządzenia, ideologii i spektaklu władzy

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Mateusz Falkowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Etienne De La Boetie ◽  
The One ◽  
Voluntary Servitude

The article is devoted to the famous The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne de La Boétie. The author considers the theoretical premises underlying the concept of “voluntary servitude”, juxtaposing them with two modern concepts of will developed by Descartes and Pascal. An important feature of La Boétie’s project is the political and therefore intersubjective – as opposed to the individualistic perspective of Descartes and Pascal – starting point. It is therefore situated against the background of, on the one hand, the historical evolution of early modern states (from feudal monarchies, through so-called Renaissance monarchies up to European absolutisms) and, on the other hand – of the political philosophy of Machiavelli and Hobbes.

Trust upset: Redefining the terms of trust in maintaining exchange relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 003802612110490
Author(s):  
Xiaoying Qi
Keyword(s):  
Coping Strategies ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Continuous Process ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Public Disclosure ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Exchange Relations

In contractual relations, malfeasance is subject to sanction by formal institutions. Trust is widely held to be an informal basis of non-contractual exchange, in which breaches of trust lead to exposure, resulting in the perpetrator’s loss of reputation and likely exclusion from future exchanges. The present article, on the other hand, shows that breaches of trust may lead to neither of these outcomes. Interview data reported here show that individuals who experience violations of agreement may develop coping strategies that do not include exposure of betrayal, confronting the trust-breaker, or retaliation. A contribution of the present article is to show that these differences can be conceptualized as involving two possible strategies by the betrayed party: one involving retaliation, directed to public disclosure of the betrayer’s unreliability and possible expulsion from future exchanges; the other is self-management, in which betrayal leads to the betrayed modifying their expectations and behaviour. A second contribution is to show how trust may be sociologically understood as a continuous process, requiring renegotiation, rearticulation, and even redefinition, rather than as a resolved and final commitment.

Het Vlaamse politieke gebeuren in 1996

Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-608
Author(s):  
Jo Craeghs
Keyword(s):  
Review Article ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Annual Review ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Draft Constitution

In the political field, Flanders experienced a very eventful year throughout 1996. The inauguration of the Flemish Parliament and the award for a 'Draft Constitution for Flanders ' made up two symbolic heights of the Belgian federalization. On the other hand, the deepening and the widening of the Flemish autonomy regularly led to tensions between the Flemish and the Walloon Community.In the policy fields as well, far-reaching changes took place. The most important ones are mentioned within the scope of this annual review article.

Shanghai’s Leading Indigenous and Expat Jazz Musicians

Jazz in China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Eugene Marlow
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
York City ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Life Threatening

This chapter focuses on jazz musicians in Shanghai. Once called the “Paris of the East,” today Shanghai represents the economic and entrepreneurial center of China; Beijing is the political heart of China. Both cities have their own vibe: Beijing—spread out like Los Angeles, is clogged by an increasing number of cars and life-threatening smog; Shanghai—compact like Manhattan, New York City, is cosmopolitan and eclectic. Both cities boast their own jazz scene. Beijing is full of expats and the jazz bands tend to be more uniformly Asian. Shanghai, on the other hand, reflects a much greater international mix of musicians.

The Sin of Antisemitism: A Response to Waldemar Chrostowski

2000 ◽  
pp. 317-322
Author(s):  
Stanisław Musiał ◽  
Gwido Zlatkes
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Character

This chapter offers an answer to the previous chapter by Revd Waldemar Chrostowski. The author argues that his text speaks of a different matter than that of Chrostowski's. He, on the one hand, addresses the antisemitic character of one of Henryk Jankowski's public enunciations, and the lack of reaction, or inadequate reaction, to the antisemitism of this enunciation on the part of the episcopate. Chrostowski, on the other hand, discusses the political character of that enunciation of Jankowski's, and the bishops' reaction to this political character. The author limits his remarks about the Revd Chrostowski's article to making four corrections and to expressing his regret about two clearly antisemitic emphases present in Chrostowski's text.

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