scholarly journals DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: CONCEPTS AND UKRAINIAN REALITIES

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Trends ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Foreign Policies

This paper is devoted to clarifying the essence of the political regime that emerged in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections. The author concludes that the current political regime in Ukraine is a classic example of delegative democracy, as it emerged as a result free, competitive and transparent elections, but after the election all state power was concentrated in the hands of the president, with significant violations of generally accepted standards of democratic of governance and norms and procedures of Ukrainian legislation. He emphasizes that the value of the concept of delegative democracy lies in the fact that it illustrates one of the contradictions in the democratic development of many countries that lack democratic traditions – the contradiction between the electoral legitimacy of government and generally accepted standards of democratic governance. Delegative democracies are by its nature the populist regimes, the emergence of which is caused by the belief of citizens in improving their lives under the leadership of a charismatic person. It is noted that delegative regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are democracy has three development trends: 1) comparable endurance; 2) the transformation to autocracy; 3) the removal of the president from power as a result of subsequent elections or mass protests. The author believes that all these alternatives can theoretically be inherent in the current regime of delegative democracy in Ukraine, but the endurance is the least likely of them. The transformation of delegative democracy into autocracy or the elimination of the Zelensky regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are more likely.

scholarly journals El sistema electoral francés

2020 ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Olivier Lecucq
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Voting Methods ◽  
Democratic Life

El sistema electoral francés, que se refiere a las elecciones «políticas», tiene varias características fundamentales. La más destacada es sin duda la elección presidencial, que es EL momento electoral en Francia y que condiciona la vida del régimen político de la Quinta República. Además, el respeto de la igualdad de sufragio, los vínculos con la nacionalidad y la competencia legislativa para regular los métodos de votación de las distintas elecciones son los aspectos más destacados en materia electoral. También es importante tener en cuenta las reformas a las que ha sido sometido, en relación con el objetivo de la paridad electoral o la reconfiguración de las elecciones parlamentarias, que actualmente se está reflejando en un proyecto de ley constitucional y una ley orgánica destinada a promover la renovación de la vida democrática y la moralización de la vida pública.The French electoral system, which concerns «political» elections, is marked by several fundamental features. The most remarkable is undoubtedly the presidential election, which is THE electoral moment in France and which conditions the life of the political regime of the Fifth Republic. Beyond that, respect for equal suffrage, the links with nationality and the exercise of legislative power to define the voting methods of the various elections are the highlights of electoral matters. It is also important to take into account the reforms that have been carried out in this area, with regard to the objective of electoral parity or the reconfiguration of parliamentary elections, which is currently being reflected in a draft constitutional law and a draft organic law designed to promote the renewal of democratic life and the moralization of public life. 

Is Democracy Possible in Russia?

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Andrei Val’terovich Grinëv
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
The Past

Abstract This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.

scholarly journals Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-77
Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Political Cycle ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Generation

The subject of this paper is the 2021 Bulgarian election to the National Assembly, which in fact turned into an electoral revolution. It scrutinizes its outcomes along with the reasons for the failure of all existing parties and the success of political newcomers. It considers the “stalemate” alignment of forces of an extremely fragmented parliament and forecasts possible developments. It resumes that the end of the ten-year tenure of Boyko Borisov was enforced by the new generation of the electorate that did not see life prospects under the current regime. The entry into politics of the showman Slavi Trifonov as a next idol of public opinion, is consistent with similar processes in neighboring countries and replicates the political cycle already observed twice in Bulgaria. This experience prompts caution in assessing the chances of a genuine renewal of the system of governance under new leadership.

scholarly journals The State in a Globalization: The Context of Transformation

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 84-90
Author(s):  
Balaklytskyi A.
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
State Power ◽  
Specific Model ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Public Authorities

The article on the theoretical level explores the peculiarities of the transformation of the nation state in conditions of globalization in the context of contemporary realities. It is emphasized that globalization with varying strengths and intensities, that is, has uneven effects on the state and its components. In particular, if we take the form of the state, which includes the form of government, the form of state administrative-and-territorial system and political regime, then, given the empirical material of recent decades, we can conclude that globalization has a significant impact primarily on a political regime that is increasingly transformed towards the democratization and liberalization of public life. At the same time, globalization exerts less influence on such constituent forms of the state as the form of state government and the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, which is conditioned, among other things, by the specific nature of the latter. In particular, in the conditions of globalization, the form of state government of a modern state is transformed primarily in the context of the dynamics of the functioning of the system of higher power institutions in the state, and not in the context of a specific way of existence and expression of the system of supreme bodies of state power. At the same time, globalization affects on the development of democratic foundations of the organization and functioning of the system of public authorities, contributing to ensuring the practical implementation of the rule of law, regardless of the specific model of government (monarchy or republic), whose presence in the state is associated with a certain historical tradition of its development and level of its perception in the mass consciousness in society. Influencing on the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, globalization facilitates processes of regionalization as a complex process of redistribution of administrative powers between the state and its administrative-territorial units, as a result of which new governmental and institutional forms are gradually being formed, corresponding to the new role of regional state formations in the decision-making process at national and supranational levels. In addition, in the context of globalization, the democratic model of the political regime acquires special features related to the formation and functioning of supranational institutions and associations, within which the political domination of nation-states gradually moves to a new level, the ultimate stage of which is global governance. Also, globalization not only causes the corresponding transformations of the content of the traditional functions of the state, in particular, economic, political, social, etc., but also creates the appropriate prerequisites for the rapid development of new functions, the content of which previously had no independent meaning and was considered mainly as an integral part of some other function of the state (for example, the environmental and information functions of the modern state). Thus, it is concluded that the transformation of the state in the conditions of globalization is systemic and, at the same time, contradictory, because, on the one hand, it manifests itself both at the level of all its constituent elements of its form and at the level of the dynamics of its concrete activity within certain temporal and spatial limits (functions of the state), and on the other – it intensifies the multi-vector processes and even the tendencies of development of both individual constituents of the form of the state (for example, the form of the state administrative-and-territorial system) and the functions of the state, in particular, economic and social. Keywords: state, globalization, form of the state, functions of the state, political regime, democracy, state power

scholarly journals Atypical titles and ranks of heads of state as part of the personality cult

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-98
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Taldykin
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Ruling Party

The anti-democratic forms of the state and political regime are characterised by a lack of real participation of the population in the exercise of state power and a violation of the rights and freedoms of citizens and their associations. One of the characteristic features of anti-democratic regimes is that real power is concentrated in the hands of a group of people or one person who are not under the control of the people. The main types of anti-democratic regimes are authoritarian and totalitarian forms. History has shown that the formation of the personality cult of the head of state or the ruling totalitarian party is possible provided that there is a successful symbiosis between these anti-international varieties. At the same time, the formation of the personality cult of the head of state or the political leader of the ruling party is impossible without certain attributes, an integral part of which is the presence of their atypical titles, official and unofficial titles, which, in turn, are a clear indicator of the undemocratic set of methods, techniques and methods of exercising state power. The above issues are essential to understanding all the nuances of the supreme power of autocrats, which makes our research relevant. The aim of the study will be to analyze atypical official and unofficial titles, ranks, laudatory epithets of heads of state, as an integral part of the cult of personality, a sign of undemocratic political regime and leadership. The fact of the deification of the ruler's supreme power as a weighty argument in favor of the centralization of his supreme power is interpreted differently by researchers, depending on the characteristics of this or that civilizational component. In the period of modern history, the existence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles for heads of state in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries is associated primarily with the policy of chiefdom. The formation of the personality cult of the Head of State or the political leader of the ruling party is impossible without certain attributes, an integral part of which is the presence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles, which in turn are a clear indicator of the undemocratic set of methods, techniques and methods of exercising public power. The personality cult of the state leader is linked to the approval of the appropriate form of government and the form of state political regime. The process of establishing the personality cult is characteristic of some historical as well as some modern monarchical forms of state government, such as the Eastern Despoty, theocratic monarchy and the absolute monarchy. States with the above form of government had a special legal status as heads of state, which was envisaged: - the religious specificity of legitimising monarchical power; - a combination of secular and spiritual (religious) power, which, in turn, gave rise to the development of sacralisation of the personality of the supreme ruler. Such embodiment of despotic rulers of the East was practiced by authoritative anthropotheism in two ways: soft: monarch is the son of a god, and tough: monarch is a living deity. In the period of modern history, the emergence of atypical titles, official and unofficial titles of heads of state in the twentieth century is primarily connected with the policy of leadership. Leadership is the policy of an authoritarian or totalitarian party in a state that aims to concentrate power in a charismatic undisputed leader. The ideas and actions of such a leader are not subject to criticism and are perceived without appeal. The atypical title or title of leader can be enshrined in legislation. The atypical title or title of its leader may be officially disseminated through state ideology and propaganda through the media when the head of state retains one official traditional title, but unofficial honorary titles and epithets are allowed.

scholarly journals GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION - THE BINOMIAL DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-86
Author(s):  
Alina Gabriela Marinescu ◽  
Cornel Popescu
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Normative Power ◽  
Essential Aspect ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Political Groups

An essential aspect of the political relations is represented by the relationbetween power and opposition, the power being in the meaning of this relationship thelegitimate capacity to impose its own will or to exert the authority, which reveals a relationof domination. The two socio-political entities, government and opposition, acts by its specificmeans and in a democratic system these ease the confrontation of ideas, solutions, opencompetition between political forces generating the alternation in power, as a result of theelectorate's will and political orientation.Generally, the power is assimilated to the force or capacity of constraint, whichsuggests that, from a certain perspective, the imposition of the political will.In the socio-political area, J.J. Rousseau in his "Social Contract" stated that the mostpowerful is not strong enough to always be the "master", if he does not transform the forceinto law and subjection into duty, so that the normative power shall emerge from a socialmorality stated by the law. As the pair term of the "power", the opposition is the ensemble ofthe political groups, parties or alliances, which, taken separately or as an ensemble, areopposing the political regime in force or the actual government's policy.

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

THE GENESIS OF CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY, DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS IN THE POLITICAL REFORM OF MODERN COUNTRIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIA AND FRANCE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Reform ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Trends ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
The World ◽  
Christian Conservatism ◽  
The Future ◽  
Conservative Policy ◽  
Depth Interviews

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.

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