scholarly journals The role of media language in creating coexistence in conflict society

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 456-493
Author(s):  
Nazakat Hussein Hama saeed

Language in most societies is a key role in creating coexistence, peace, social and security. However, this can only happen when the language is taken as an important part of the constitution and the law of that country, which have to be constituted as a way of beginning for coexistence. Furthermore, at the same time the education system and the media have also to be put to serve and create a suitable language for coexistence. The opposite is also true, where language is an identity; it is a way of dialogue, word or a term that are used. It is misunderstanding between some people in some societies that language has become a source for the mayhem, conflicts, economic crisis and the disruption of national and social security especially in those countries and societies that are passing through the transition stages. Which is also multinational, multilingual, multi faith, multi ethnic? In addition to this they also have a historical background in conflicts and war. The Kurdistan region is a newly developing region that has a diverse population and has had a historical past in continuous conflicts and war between the internal political parties. As well as this the presence of a political media system in the country has been a part of the conflicts in which has made the media language a huge reason for the distancing of the parties and the further deepening of the conflicts. That is why this research investigates the importance and role of the media language of its responsibility of creating coexists, the Kurdish channel in the Kurdistan region taken it as an example ,by using a survey method.

Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


Information ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Lynn ◽  
Pierangelo Rosati ◽  
Binesh Nair

Mobilization theory posits that social media gives a voice to non-traditional actors in socio-political discourse. This study uses network analytics to understand the underlying structure of the Brexit discourse and whether the main sub-networks identify new publics and influencers in political participation, and specifically industry stakeholders. Content analytics and peak detection analysis are used to provide greater explanatory values to the organizing themes for these sub-networks. Our findings suggest that the Brexit discourse on Twitter can be largely explained by calculated publics organized around the two campaigns and political parties. Ad hoc communities were identified based on (i) the media, (ii) geo-location, and (iii) the US presidential election. Other than the media, significant sub-communities did not form around industry as whole or around individual sectors or leaders. Participation by business accounts in the Twitter discourse had limited impact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-469
Author(s):  
Azad Abdulaziz Mohammed ◽  
Tahir Hassu Zebari

          The study aims to explain and identify the trends of the Kurdish media elite with regard to the level of commitment of Kurdish websites to professional ethics in the Kurdistan Region. This study is a descriptive study in which the survey method was used. The community of this study is consists of the media elite in the Kurdistan Region, whether it is the lecturers in the media departments in the universities and institutes of the region, or the experienced media professionals who are in charge of managing media institutions. The most prominent results of the study are: The majority of the study sample agrees that the content of Kurdish websites is a mixture of adherence to the principles of professional ethics, especially in presenting all the information related to the event and avoiding intentional exaggeration, and also non-compliance with these principles, especially in their lack of commitment to the sources of information contained in the news.


Author(s):  
Manfred Knoche

Abstract: This paper discusses how the capitalist media industry has been structurally transformed in the age of digital communications. It takes an approach that is grounded in the Marxian critique of the political economy of the media. It draws a distinction between media capital, media-oriented capital, media infrastructure capital and media-external capital as the forms of capital in the media industry. The article identifies four capital strategies that media capital tends to use in order to try to maximise profits: a) The substitution of “old” by “new” media technology, b) the introduction of new transmission channels for “old” media products, c) the definition of new property rights for media sectors and networks, d) the reduction of production and transaction costs. The drive to profit maximization is at the heart of the capitalist media industry’s structural transformation. This work also discusses the tendency to the universalization of the media system in the digital age and the economic contradictions arising from it. It identifies activity fields of the media industry’s structural transformation and shows how the concentration of the capitalist media markets is an essential, contradictory and inherent feature of the capitalist media system and its structural transformation. The paper identifies six causes of why capital seeks to employ capital strategies that result in the media industry’s structural transformation. They include market saturation, overaccumulation, the tendency of the profit rate to fall, capital-concentration, competition pressure, and advertising. The paper finally discusses the role of the state as an agent of capital in general and media capital in particular. It discusses the role of the state in privatisations, neoliberal deregulation, the formation of national competitive states, and various benefits that the state provides for media capital. This contribution shows that capital and capitalism are the main structural transformers of the media and communications system. For understanding these transformations, we need an approach that is grounded in Marx’s critique of the political economy.Translation from German: Christian Fuchs and Marisol Sandoval


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 18-27
Author(s):  
Ahsan Ullah ◽  
Azmat Ali Shah

This research article was intended for finding the role of media in fostering government accountability in Pakistan. Furthermore, the mediating role of political parties was also checked through mediation analysis. This study utilized the information brought together through a structured adapted questionnaire among the participants of this study chosen through probability sampling technique from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. It was revealed that through the analysis of the primary data that there is a considerable association found between media and government accountability. Furthermore, it was also proved that the media could significantly predict accountability. The data also revealed that people believed that political parties have a significant mediating role between media and government accountability. This study concluded that the media revolution in the advent of new kinds of media, conventional and non-conventional, has also had a profound impact on government accountability.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson

AbstractThe increased importance of social media platforms and network media logic merging with traditional media logic are a trademark of modern hybrid systems of political communication. This article looks at this development through the media-use by politicians before the 2016 and 2017 parliamentary elections in Iceland. Aggregate results from candidate surveys on the use and perceived importance of different media forms are used to examine the role of the new platform Snapchat in relation to other media, and to highlight the dynamics of the hybrid media system in Iceland. The results show that Snapchat is exploited more by younger politicians and those already using social media platforms. However, in spite of this duality between old and new media, users of traditional platforms still use new media and vice versa. This points to the existance of a delicate operational balance between different media logics, that could change as younger politicians move more centre stage.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-117
Author(s):  
Miguel Paisana ◽  
Ana Pinto-Martinho ◽  
Gustavo Cardoso

In order to understand the role of contemporary journalism and the media system it is vital to consider consumers’ relationship with news content in terms of trust and perception of dubious content. This analysis is particularly relevant in a context where intense flows of information raise serious questions about individual ability to interpret, validate, and reproduce content. This analysis explores a news literacy scale used by Maskl et al. (2015) and Fletcher (in Newman et al., 2018) to investigate the links between news literacy profiles and their relationship with content, with particular focus on illegitimate/doubtful news pieces. Results suggest individuals with higher news literacy tend to trust news in general but not when content originates in social media. Higher literacy profiles are also associated with increased concern regarding online content legitimacy. These conclusions are particularly relevant in the currently volatile media sphere, highly dependent on a substantially informed public to ensure the legitimacy and importance of journalistic content and to distinguish it from other kinds of content flooding communication networks. These efforts depend not only on the journalistic sphere but also on democratic systems themselves as they rely on a well-informed public to guarantee a healthy and inclusive debate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-123
Author(s):  
OLGA YUTSCHENKO ◽  
◽  
YULIA GAMALEEVA

The purpose of research. The article deals with the general tendencies of the formation process of a historical figure as a national hero in media space. Winston Churchill’s cinematography imagery is analyzed and the features of interpretation of his role in history are defined. The purpose of research is determination of specificities in the formation process of imagery’s historical figure as national hero in cinematography. Results. Nowadays the way of representing historical space through the media sphere is one of the most popular for auditory and at the same time, it represents the new vision of the historical past. The tendency of connecting historical past and historical figure together drifts the angle from the whole epoch to «historical faces». That's the reason why historical epochs are translated through imagery of figures from the past. In this case historical space is gradually tapered to the person’s story and becomes more individual.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yahya Fatah

This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.


1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 613-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel H. Beer

Out-of-date ideas—if they can only manage to survive long enough—are often put to new and surprising uses. A case in point is British Toryism. This pre-capitalist, pre-individualist, pre-liberal creed, one might think, ought surely to have died out during the 19th century. Yet not only has it survived into the era of socialism, it can also claim credit for having helped build the Welfare State. And today British socialists and Tories—both collectivists in a degree—often have more in common than either have with their fellow Liberals. Old traditions of strong government, paternalism and the organic society have made easier the modern re-assertion of state power.New policies usually produce new kinds of politics. For every major concept of public policy, Schattschneider has observed, there has been a different theory of political organization. Over a period of decades, British collectivism has created not only a new pattern of policy, but also a new structure of power, especially in the realm of political parties and interest groups. Along with a collectivist theory of policy has arisen a collectivist theory of representation. And the latter, like the former, is today supported in interesting and subtle ways by attitudes and ideas deriving from a distant past. The purpose of this article is to look at the historical background of certain of these attitudes—especially those concerning the role of interest groups in politics.


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