Situation of Official Schools in Erbil City 1980 – 1991

The subject of the official study conditions in the city of Erbil is of great historical and cultural importance, especially for the city that historians have confirmed in historical sources as one of the oldest cities in the world. The subject of the official study conditions in the city of Erbil for the period between 1980-1991 did not have the importance of being mentioned by researchers, and scientific research has not been conducted on it. Therefore, there is a scientific necessity to carry out such research. The reason for choosing the study period (1980 - 1991) is that because of the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war in 1980, all aspects of life were affected by this war. Although this war ended in 1988, its effects and repercussions continued to affect the joints of Life in Iraq and the city of Erbil, in addition to the fact that political problems and convulsions grew and developed in that period until Iraq entered Kuwait in 1990, which resulted in wars and regional and internal problems in Iraq. Since that date, a new historical era has begun in the region. This study consists of an introduction to the topic in addition to two main axes and concluded with a list of sources and appendices, in the entry a summary of the official study in the city of Erbil for the period between 1970 - 1980 was presented, and the first axis was devoted to the political situation and the educational process for the period between 1980 - 1991, and in the second axis The laws, regulations, and educational curricula for the period between 1980 - 1991 are covered.

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The Cycle of Agathias: New Identifications Scrutinised

The Journal of Hellenic Studies ◽

10.2307/627469 ◽

1969 ◽

Vol 89 ◽

pp. 87-96 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

R. C. McCail

Keyword(s):

Guilds, Social Mobility and Status in Sixteenth-Century Ghent

International Review of Social History ◽

10.1017/s0020859098000029 ◽

1998 ◽

Vol 43 (1) ◽

pp. 31-78 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Johan Dambruyne

Keyword(s):

Sixteenth Century ◽

Social Mobility ◽

Upward Mobility ◽

Social Promotion ◽

Social Position ◽

The Political ◽

Political Situation ◽

Democratic Character ◽

The Relationship ◽

The City

This article investigates the relationship between social mobility and status in guilds and the political situation in sixteenth-century Ghent. First, it argues that Ghent guilds showed neither a static picture of upward mobility nor a rectilinear and one-way evolution. It demonstrates that the opportunities for social promotion within the guild system were, to a great extent, determined by the successive political regimes of the city. Second, the article proves that the guild boards in the sixteenth century had neither a typically oligarchic nor a typically democratic character. Third, the investigation of the houses in which master craftsmen lived shows that guild masters should not be depicted as a monolithic social bloc, but that significant differences in status and wealth existed. The article concludes that there was no linear positive connection between the duration of a master craftsman's career and his wealth and social position.

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Genesis and prerequisites for the emergence of youth parliamentarism in the Russian Federation

Право и политика ◽

10.7256/2454-0706.2021.9.36431 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 87-101

Author(s):

Daniil Andreevich Phedotov

Keyword(s):

Local Government ◽

Russian Federation ◽

Path Dependence ◽

The Political ◽

Regional Government ◽

Historical Aspect ◽

Political Situation ◽

The Subject ◽

The Russian Federation ◽

Labor Pool

The object of this research is the regional youth representative structures, while the subject is the establishment of youth parliamentary structures in the Russian Federation. The research leans on the methodology of historical neo-institutionalism with the “path dependence” approach. Attention is turned to studying the topic from the perspective of the need of federal and regional government in young personnel, substantiated by the shortage of competent specialists as a result of social disturbances. The empirical basis of this research is the interview with the former governor of Vologda Region (from 1996 to 2011) Vyacheslav Pozgalev, who was among the pioneers of the youth parliamentary movement. The novelty of this lies in examination of the phenomenon of youth parliamentarism in historical aspect. The date of creation of the first youth parliamentary body in Russia is established. The author determines five key prerequisites for the emergence of youth parliamentarism in the Russian Federation: European Charter; proliferation of the Western democratic values; political situation in the country; need for conventional self-expression of youth and creation of the filter for the youth labor pool. These prerequisites contributed the emergence and development of the institutions for expressing the political demands of the youth in the context of continuous dialogue ion with the federal and local government.

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A STUDY ON THE ASPECTS OF EUROCENTRISM AND DIFFUSIONISM REPRESENTED IN FOREIGNERS’ TRAVEL RECORDS ON KOREA IN EARLY 1900s

International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences ◽

10.14746/kr.2017.03.07 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 3 ◽

pp. 117-126

Author(s):

Kang Sok CHO

Keyword(s):

Motion Picture ◽

Point Of View ◽

Jack London ◽

The Political ◽

Motion Picture Film ◽

Political Situation ◽

The World ◽

Close Observation ◽

American Society ◽

Made In

This paper deals with three different perspectives appeared in foreign visitors’ records on Korea in 1900s. Jack London was a writer who wrote novels highly critical of American society based on progressivism. However, when his progressive perspective was adopted to report the political situation of Korea in 1904, he revealed a typical perspective of orientalism. He regarded Korea and ways of living in Korea as disgusting and ‘uncivilized.’Compared with Jack London’s perspective, French poet Georges Ducrocq’s book was rather favorable. He visited Korea in 1901 and he showed affectionate attitude toward Korea and its people. However, his travel report, Pauvre et Douce Coree, can be defined as representing aesthetic orientalism. He tried to make all the ‘Korean things’ seem beautiful and nice, but it is true that this kind of view can also conceal something concrete and specific. This perspective at once beautifies Korea and also conceals the reality about Korea.E. Burton Holmes was a traveler and he often used his ‘motion-picture’ machine to record things he witnessed while travelling around worldwide countries. So, his report (travelogue) and motion picture film on Korea written and made in 1901 was based on close observation and rather objective point of view. Nonetheless, he couldn’t avoid the perspective of the colonizer’s model of the world, in other words, geographical diffusionism of western culture.

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“PURGING THE ELITE” IN TYUMEN IN 1937-1938

Tyumen State University Herald Humanities Research Humanitates ◽

10.21684/2411-197x-2021-7-2-182-192 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 7 (2) ◽

pp. 182-192

Author(s):

Anatoly A. KONONENKO ◽

Artem A. Kononenko

Keyword(s):

Comprehensive Analysis ◽

The Political ◽

Party Organization ◽

Collective Leadership ◽

Effect Relationship ◽

Security Service ◽

The Subject ◽

New Generation ◽

Structural Methods ◽

The City

The political repressions of the 1930s in the USSR have repeatedly been the subject of interest of historians. Nevertheless, there are practically no studies of political repressions of the 1930s in relation to nomenklatura workers at the level of the provincial Siberian city of Tyumen. This article aims to reveal the cause-and-effect relationship in the issue of physical liquidation of the thinnest layer of the party-economic nomenklatura, using the case of the city party organization of the CPSU(b) of Tyumen in 1937-1938. We have restricted ourselves to one of the components of the “Great Terror”, namely to “purging the elite”. The research was conducted using the documents from two regional departments of the USSR Federal Security Service (FSB), former party archives of the Tyumen and Omsk regions, and periodicals. This required employing prosopographic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and system-structural methods. Such approach allowed clarifying the biographical data of the leaders of the city in 1936-1938 and classifying the criminal acts, incriminated to the accused. The results of a comprehensive analysis of the sources show that the cause of the personnel purge should be considered a violation of the imbalance between the limited collective leadership and the still limited one-man dictatorship of I. V. Stalin’s dictatorship. The limited collective leadership was no longer in line with the reality of one man’s increasing power. Rotation of undesirable workers as an alternative to personnel cleansing proved to be unsuccessful. The motive for repressions against workers who had never participated in the opposition was their casual contacts and acquaintances with former opposition figures described as “spies and terrorists” in 1937-1938. The party, Soviet, and Komsomol workers who had no such contacts, though subjected to repression, were rehabilitated. Finally, in terms of their educational and professional level, the new generation of city party workers did not differ from the previous one.

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Cursed by Nature? The Politics of Natural Assets

The Plundered Planet ◽

10.1093/oso/9780195395259.003.0008 ◽

2010 ◽

Author(s):

Paul Collier

Keyword(s):

Natural Capital ◽

Resource Curse ◽

Living Standard ◽

The Political ◽

Political Class ◽

The World ◽

The Subject ◽

Growing Economy ◽

Produced Capital ◽

Missed Opportunity

Are natural assets a curse? In The Bottom Billion I argued why I thought they often did more harm than good to the poorest countries. But the real measure is not just the damage they cause, but their harm relative to their potential. Natural resources are the largest assets available to these societies. Their known natural capital has been estimated to be worth double their produced capital. The failure to harness natural capital is the single-most important missed opportunity in economic development. Since writing The Bottom Billion I have accumulated more research on the subject, as have many others. Indeed, whether an abundance of natural assets is a blessing or a curse is currently one of the disputes raging among economists. There are some high-visibility instances of natural assets appearing to ruin a country: Sierra Leone’s diamonds, for example, seemed to shred the fabric of that society to pieces; Nigeria’s oil fueled the corruption of the political class. But are these just outliers? After all, Botswana harnessed its diamonds to produce the fastest growing economy in the world, and Norway used its oil to achieve the world’s highest living standard. The question becomes whether there really is a “resource curse,” and whether, if it does exist, it is limited to countries with deeper problems. I have come to regard this as the most crucial issue in the struggle to transform the poorest societies. The revenues that they could get from natural assets are enormous, dwarfing any conceivable flows of aid. They could certainly be transformative. If they deliver, any efforts to inhibit the extraction of natural assets from the poorest countries are not simply counterproductive but irresponsible, impeding the path out of poverty. If, on the other hand, natural assets backfire, then there is an argument for leaving them in the ground. There would indeed be the basis for an alliance between the environmental lobby, pressing for natural assets to be conserved, and the development lobby, fighting to end mass poverty.

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Organizing Collaboration

Ending Global Poverty ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198850175.003.0003 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 22-42

Author(s):

Constantine Michalopoulos

Keyword(s):

The Netherlands ◽

World Bank ◽

Development Cooperation ◽

The Political ◽

Global Poverty ◽

Poor Countries ◽

Political Situation ◽

The World Bank ◽

The World ◽

The Uk

The story of Eveline Herfkens, Hilde F. Johnson, Clare Short and Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, all of whom, with different titles became ministers in charge of development cooperation in the Netherlands, Norway, the UK, and Germany in 1997–8, and what they did together to bridge the gap between rhetoric and reality in the war against global poverty, starts with a short discussion of their background. This is followed by a discussion of the political situation and the different government arrangements that determined development policy in their countries at the time. The last part of the chapter reviews the beginnings of their collaboration which focused on ensuring that the debt relief provided to highly indebted poor countries (HIPCs) in programmes supported by the World Bank and the IMF resulted in actually lifting people out of poverty.

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The Aerarium and its Officials Under the Empire

The Journal of Roman Studies ◽

10.2307/298648 ◽

1964 ◽

Vol 54 (1-2) ◽

pp. 33-40 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Fergus Millar

Keyword(s):

World Wide ◽

The Political ◽

Public Funds ◽

The World ◽

The Subject ◽

Political Interpretation ◽

Financial Administration ◽

Political Character ◽

Public Revenues

No analysis of the political character of the Empire can avoid the question of finance. The various sources of revenue of the Emperor and the res publica, the role of the private wealth of the Emperor, the nature of his control over public funds, the question of how and when various public revenues were taken by him—a satisfactory political interpretation of the early Empire must take account of all these.This article attempts merely to take a second preliminary step towards such an interpretation. Its aim is to set out as clearly as possible the evidence as to the nature of the Aerarium and the functions of its officials, and, above all, to avoid the anachronistic approach which our language itself so readily invites. Not all anachronistic views of the subject have had the beautiful obviousness of Ramsay's contribution: even to speak of the ‘world-wide financial administration’ of the Aerarium will prove to be misleading.

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Politicizing the Past: The "Atthis" of Kleidemos

Classical Antiquity ◽

10.2307/25011003 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 13 (1) ◽

pp. 17-37 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Jeremy McInerney

Keyword(s):

Fourth Century ◽

The Political ◽

Vase Painting ◽

Democratic Leadership ◽

Naval Power ◽

Political Debates ◽

Relief Sculpture ◽

The Subject ◽

The City ◽

Democratic Constitution

Jacoby's influential opinion that the Atthidographers were part of the political discourse of the fourth century has been the subject of revision in recent years. His critics have argued that the genre of Atthidography is primarily antiquarian and that to look for partisan political attitudes in the Atthides is a mistake. An examination of the work of Kleidemos, however, reveals a coherent presentation of the Athenian past designed to vindicate the democratic constitution and to demonstrate the close connection between the democracy and Athens' naval power. This emerges most clearly in Kleidemos's treatment of three important democratic heroes: Theseus, Kleisthenes, and Themistokles. By the fourth century, Theseus had already emerged as the most popular Athenian hero. His accomplishments were modeled in part on the deeds of Herakles and were recorded in vase painting and relief sculpture, and on the walls of the Stoa Poikile. Kleidemos presented a distinctive account of Theseus, emphasizing his role in founding the Athenian navy in preparation for the expedition to Krete. Kleidemos portrayed him as a leader capable of defending Athens and making peace with Athens' enemies, first the Kretans and later the Amazons. This is a king in the tradition of Euripides' Theseus in the Suppliants, the ruler of a free and democratic city. The connection between democratic leadership, Athenian might, and the naval power of Athens is also underscored in Kleidemos's handling of Kleisthenes. Again, the information provided by Kleidemos is distinctive, inasmuch as he reports that it was Kleisthenes who was responsible for the system of naukrariai, which he likens to the symmories of the fourth century. Unlike the version of the Ath. Pol., which imagines the Kleisthenic demes replacing the Solonian naukrariai, Kleidemos saw the demes and naukrariai as complementary divisions, the former organizing the state's resources for the upkeep of the navy, and the latter establishing the political basis for the democracy. Themistokles is also given unique treatment. Kleidemos records the anecdote according to which Themistokles was responsible for the Battle of Salamis because he found sufficient money to man the ships when the generals had run out of funds and had ordered the abandonment of the city. He used the disappearance of the gorgoneion of the statue of Athena as an excuse to ransack the baggage of the Athenians and collect enough wealth to pay the fleet. The story is as tendentious as the account in the Ath. Pol., which gives the credit to the Areopagos. Both versions demonstrate how Athens' past had become a battleground in the political debates of the mid-fourth century. Unlike the epitaphios logos with its emphasis on the eternal and unchanging glory of Athens, the "Atthis" of Kleidemos attempted to prove that the greatness of Athens rested historically on three foundations: the heroes of the democracy, the democratic constitution, and the navy.

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Who Changes the World

10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190639891.003.0003 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Claudia Leeb

Keyword(s):

The Political ◽

Political Subject ◽

The World ◽

Mind And Body ◽

The Subject ◽

Definition Of

“Who Changes the World: The Political Subject-in-Outline” introduces the idea of the political subject-in-outline to creatively engage with the tension between the exclusionary character of the political subject and its necessity for agency. It explains why giving up on the subject altogether or theorizing it as a constantly shifting entity is implicated in the project of capitalism, and acknowledges the necessity of defining a political subject to critique and transform capitalism. Yet its outline reminds people that any definition of the political subject must remain permanently open for contestation to avoid its exclusionary character. This chapter also explains that the subject-in-outline aims to establish a mediated relation between the universal and particular, as well as mind and body. Furthermore, it shows that the idea of a political subject-in-outline can help people avoid alienation, instrumental relations, and the coldness of love in capitalism.

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