scholarly journals Caste and Consequences

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
G. C. Pal

Abstract   Caste, a social institution in India, has significant implications on social legislations, affirmative action and group-specific development policies. In the modern society, the traditional caste structure however continues to nurture the unequal social interaction process among caste groups. This often translates into various forms of human rights violations against the groups at the bottom of caste hierarchy. The key concern is that resistance to such violations often leads to ‘caste violence’ of different forms. Although a body of literature that explains this caste phenomenon in the discourse of human rights and social justice, its larger consequences remains a neglected dimension. This paper, drawing evidence from a series of empirical research on ‘mapping caste-based violence’ in contemporary Indian society, sheds light on diverse consequences of real or perceived violence, emanating from ‘caste’. The analysis reveals that consequences of caste violence are manifested in social, economic, psychological and moral terms. The ‘victims of violence’ speak the language of suffering and deprivation in different spheres of life, having a bearing on the basic human needs of ‘belongingness’ democratic honour and ‘sense of security’. The apathetic attitude and slow response of state machinery towards caste violence often accentuate the social conditions to make the ‘victims of violence’ and their communities fall into the vicious cycle of caste oppressions and increased vulnerability to poor human development.

AL-TAZKIAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-75
Author(s):  
Mardiana Ulfa

The act of child abuse often occurs in children because of low economic actors so that the protection, education, health, and basic needs of a child being neglected. Children who experience, witness and experience abuse directly experience traumatic conditions, where the trauma is in the form of psychological trauma that is embedded in the child’s subconscious. Often children who are victims of violence will have prolonged psychological disorders, for children who are victims will usually form a bad self-image, diffcult to trust other people, experience excessive fear, have no life expectancy, depression, stress and desire - suicidal desire. The strategy of social workers in handling child abuse at the Marsudi Putra Paramita Mataram social institution is to use the casework and group work method. In the casework method social workers carry out counselling as an alternative problem solving and help children who are victims of violence solve their problems through the stages of counselling. Whereas the groovy work method of social workers at the Marsudi Putra Paramita Social Institution in Mataram uses a religious approach as a technique to restore the healthy mentality of children who are victims of violence. In addition to the religious approach, social workers also provide social guidance as a provision for children’s behaviour to be accepted by the community. Social workers with a group approach aim to restore the social and psychological functions of child victims of violence to form groups such as skill groups, discussion groups and skill groups as a way for children to reduce stress and trauma through positive activities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country.  However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 31-50
Author(s):  
Youba Raj Luintel

Until very recently, Jumla’s Pawai, or the Matawali Chhetri, have remained one of the very least understood caste groups in Nepal. In many sense Pawai can be considered as an unusual caste group and possess some unique yet paradoxical socio-cultural traits and claims. Overall, they represent Chhetri sub-caste, but in the Jumli caste hierarchy they are placed lower than Chhetri. They do not wear sacred thread called “janai,” do mostly worship masto, and in Bota village, some of them even offer liquor to their Hindu diety. This article attempts to explain the distinctive characteristics of Pawai in light of the Jumli caste hierarchy, and differs from some of the simplistic explanations of human ecological approach to argue that Pawai are simply the by-product of their cultural interface with the local ecology, or the reductionist arguments of identity politics that it is the ethnicity and not the class that differentiates society and forms different identity of the culturally marginalised one. This article first sheds lights on the social construction of Pawai as the kamsel caste group, takes into account the uniqueness of paddy cultivation in Jumla and its caste implications in the local political economy, and then compares and contracts the Pawai vis-a-vis the Jyulel to make an argument that the uniqueness of Pawai can only be meaningfully understood by placing them in their dynamic relationship with Jyulel. This relationship essentially entails a relationship of privilege and deprivation in terms of access to and ownership of jyula (as productive low lands). By implication, it is differential access to assets and resources that brings diversity and inequality in society and not the vice-versa. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v7i0.10436 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 7, 2013; 31-50


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (34) ◽  
pp. 235-251
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Motta Costa ◽  
Dani Rudnicki ◽  
Julia Maia Goldani

This paper aims to analyze the intersectional problematic that surrounds the vio-lations of adolescents’ human rights that happen in Brazil nowadays. It focuses, more specifically, on the involvement of these youths with drug trafficking, and on the relations between their participation in crime and the rising mortality rates amidst young age groups. A large part of Brazil’s children and teenagers grow up in contexts of social vulnerability, lack of opportunities, difficult access to economical assets, and personal devaluation. This situation often pushes young individuals into involvement with drug trafficking or armed robbery, since crime represents, in their context, a possibility for economic and social ascendance. In parallel, the criminal policy adopted by the Brazilian State, synthesized in the expression “war on drugs” and manifested in the promulgation of Law 11.343/06, focuses on repressive police actions, and favors imprisonment, while doing nothing to attack the social causes of the problem. The result is the mass incarceration of young and economically disfavored individuals as well as, not infrequently, their deaths during police approaches, characterizing a situation where these adoles-cents are both perpetuators and victims of violence.


Author(s):  
Anderson Jeremiah

The Indian practice of the caste system creates a repressive stratification in the subcontinent. Hinduism refers to a variety of theologies, mythologies, cultic practices and philosophies spread across India. The exclusion of outcastes is ordained, pursued and perpetuated by dominant religio-political and socio-cultural forces, often with violent consequences. While the constitution prohibits any discrimination on grounds of caste, the social practice of caste identity continues to be relevant across the country. Because the caste system is the product of a religious worldview, it is through religious rituals that caste discrimination and prejudices are manifested. Mission organisations agreed to work within specific caste communities in order to avoid conflict. The caste-based segregation masquerading as denominationalism runs so deep within the churches in India that there are congregations who do not share the Eucharist. Only 12 out of 241 bishops are from a Dalit background, whereas Dalits make up more than 65% of the membership of Catholic congregations. Dalit groups have had to mobilise to counter the unfair advantages enjoyed by higher-caste groups. The caste system has become a potent political tool within Indian society and its relevance in shaping socio-cultural moorings have not diminished.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-341
Author(s):  
Plamena Tsvetanova ◽  
◽  
Dochka Danova ◽  

In the modern society, with this fast growing technical progress, there are lots of changes in the social relationships between people, the psychological rules in the society are broken. The relationship between parents and children is changing, and the role of the family as one of the most important institutions of socialization is becoming increasingly less than before. Concerned about economic survival and well-being, parents put in the background the communication and upbringing of their children or leave this obligation to the teachers, but they forget that the parent is the first teacher of the children, they are the ones who influence children`s values and way of thinking, they are their role model. For this reason, the kindergarten, as the first social institution outside of home, has the responsibility to create effective, real, scientifically based interaction with the family. Although the family and the kindergarten are two systems, different in structure and methods of pedagogical interaction, they are closely connected in a common goal – raising and educating children and should not be against each other. This article present a model for improving the social and pedagogical relationships between the family and kindergarten.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 246-258
Author(s):  
Syufaat Syufaat

Public welfare is one of the ideals that Islam wishes in order to realize the physical and spiritual prosperity. Efforts to realize it is to bring social welfare into reality through the principles of solidarity to achieve a sense of security for all human life, by which then it is known as the social security system (SSS). One of the issues of today’s urban society is the availability of social security to meet basic human needs which covers the needs of food, clothing, housing, education, health, energy sources, sanitation, transportation and information. Islamic social security is not limited merely to meet the materialistic and hedonistic basic needs, but it meets spiritual needs that are more essential.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Davidson

This paper studies on caste homophily across seventy-five villages in rural Karnataka, India. Caste is conceptualized as a system of ethnic categories that map onto positions within the social structure of each village. Despite being a salient category across India, the caste structure is not uniform across villages, caste groups or network contexts. Using social network and demographic data collected by Banerjee et al. (2013) I investigate how caste homophily varies within villages across social contexts and between villages. Overall I find strong evidence of caste homophily across the majority of contexts; people tend to exchange resources and socialize with other people occupying a similar position in the caste order. However this varies across villages, relations, and groups. It appears to be strongest among higher caste groups, although it weakens with regards to the lending and borrowing of money, a vertical relationship between high and low castes. The lending of rice and kerosene and social relationships involving advice giving and important decisions are also particularly homophilous for both groups. This demonstrates how the strength of ethnic boundaries can vary based on the relational and spatial context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Mukti Stoffel

abstrakImplementasi Hasil Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat (PEPERA) berdasarkan New York Agreement 1962 dalam kaitannya dengan Penegakan Hak Asasi Manusia di Tanah Papua menunjukkan bahwa Pemerintah Indonesia pada tahun 1969 berusaha menggerakkan pembangunan dengan meminggirkan pengalaman dan nilai-nilai social budaya rakyat Papua. Ketidakseimbangan kehidupan sosial masyarakat yang diperkuat dengan adanya beberapa kelompok masyarakat yang tidak mendukung hasil Pepera menyebabkan muncullah kelompok-kelompok masyarakat Papua yang pro dan kontra terhadap pembangunan. Apabila menginginkan Papua ini menjadi wilayah yang aman pemerintah harus memikirkan bagaimana seluruh masyarakat Papua bisa hidup sejahtera, memiliki rasa aman dan meminimalisir kesenjangan antar daerah/wilayah di Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Kesejahteraan hidup didambakan oleh semua pihak. Bila hidup sejahtera dan aman maka pergolakan akan berkurang. Kata kunci: New York Agreement 1962, Pepera 1969, HAM di Tanah Papua abstractThe results of this study indicate that the Implementation of the Results of the Decision of the People's Opinion (PEPERA) based on the 1962 New York Agreement in relation to the Enforcement of Human Rights in Papua shows that the Indonesian Government in 1969 sought to mobilize development by marginalizing the experiences and social cultural values of the Papuan people. The imbalance of the social life of the community which is reinforced by the existence of several community groups that do not support the results of the Act of Free Choice has led to the emergence of Papuan groups that are pro and contra to development. If you want Papua to be a safe area the government must think about how all Papuans can live in prosperity, have a sense of security and minimize gaps between regions / regions in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Life welfare is coveted by all parties. If life is prosperous and safe, the upheaval will decrease.  Keywords: New York Agreement 1962, February 1969, Human Rights in the Land of Papua


Author(s):  
C. Suresh Kumar

In India, Dalits also known as ‘untouchables’ have been exploited and subjected to various sorts of atrocities due to the social stratification of Indian society. Though Dalit populace is around 23 percentage of total Indian population, they are underprivileged and discriminated in numerous ways. Dalits are socially, economically and politically segregated and oppressed by the caste dominated society. Mass media which claims to be the social institution seldom gives coverage to Dalit related issues. Even if any news items were to appear in the mainstream media, it was only misrepresentation of facts. For centuries, Dalits have been making an effort to emancipate from the clutches of caste system, and many Dalit leaders have even laid down their lives for this cause. Nonetheless, Dalits continue to undergo the caste discrimination in all spheres of their lives. Dalit intellectuals and activists tried to voice their concerns to the mass media, but owing to the caste dominated media and the absence of Dalit journalists, their voices were unheard and silenced. Dalits were even denied the space to work in such media institutions. When Dalits themselves tried to own their media to champion Dalits’ cause, economic factors miserably failed them in perpetuating such efforts. Thus, Dalits were denied their space to voice their views on a public platform. In a situation such as this, the emergence and proliferation of internet and social networking sites have provided a sigh of relief to them to voice their problems to be heard even to the international community. Dalit Camera, a YouTube channel has become a rallying point for the Dalit community in India. This article throws light on how Dalit Camera is a platform for the expression of discrimination and avenue for exposing the atrocities committed on Dalits.


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