scholarly journals Legal Reasons Underlying Demonopolization by State-Owned Enterprises in Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124
Author(s):  
Putu Samawati Saleh

Demonopolization policy towards PT. PLN (Persero) and PT. Pelindo (Persero) conducted by the Indonesian government is aimed at enhancing efficiency, the effectiveness of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), as well as global competitiveness. The rationale in determining the demonopolization policy towards the two SOEs is based on the concept of neo-liberalism market economy, which promotes efficiency and effectiveness on free market competition. The concept of neo-liberal economics is contrary to the concept of democratic economics. The concept of democratic economics based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia prioritizes fair efficiency. It is the reason for the Constitutional Court to return monopoly rights to PT. PLN (Persero) as an electricity provider in Indonesia. The argue of monopoly policy or demonopolization policy of SOEs is the main problem that will be elaborated through normative research methods (documentary research) by using secondary data as the main data. Problem analysis was done by qualitative juridical through of statute approach, philosophy approach, and history of law approach. This paper provides the reason of the policy of monopoly exemption on SOEs business activities, as well as the foundation of SOEs demonopolization policy taking into consideration the constitutional basis of Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution. The concept of demonopolization of SOEs is a new one that has never been described in the Indonesian literature. As a result, the demonopolization of SOEs does not divert SOEs into private companies but rather attempts to present competitors to SOEs to be able to compete in fair competition. In another side monopoly of SOEs can be implemented towards managing important production branches that control the livelihoods of many people. It is evidence of the state’s role in ensuring the welfare of its people.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Lukman Ihsanuddin

This research was conducted in order to find out the objectivity of the media in delivering news of the 2019 presidential election dispute in the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative using Robert N. Entman's framing approach. Sources of data in this study are primary data, data obtained from the Java post coverage from the 18 June to 28 June 2019 edition, and secondary data in the form of writing about Java post and books relating to Robert N. Entman's framing analysis. The results of his research are 1) The reporting written by journalists uses two depictions of moral values, namely positive values and negative values. Positive values are often raised to describe the actions of the Constitutional Court, KPU and candidate pair 01 JokowiMa'ruf Amin, while negative values are often raised against the depictions of the candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news texts written by journalists describe the weak position of candidate pair 02 due to the weakness of the arguments submitted and the evidence and witnesses provided cannot be accounted for, even it is reported that candidate pair 02 has also submitted witnesses who provided false statements. The second aspect is regarding the position of Jawa Pos in reporting disputes over the results of the 2019 presidential election. Journalists in Jawa Pos felt less balanced in reporting the conflict. This can be seen from the emphasis which is indirectly more favorable for the position of candidate pair Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin compared with candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news taken as objects of study in this study tend to prioritize Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin and marginalize Prabowo-Sandi's position.Candidate 01Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin is depicted as a disadvantaged party by submitting the dispute of the 2019 presidential election results to the constitutional line while pair 02 of Prabowo-Sandi is described as a guilty party and does not have a strong basis to prove his allegations regarding fraud committed by the paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. 2) the reporting of postal Javanese journalists in reporting the 2019 Presidential Election Dispute conflict, lacking balance in presenting information, tended to support the candidate pair 1 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. Keywords: Framing, 2019 Presidential Election Dispute, Newspaper, Jawa Pos Penelitian ini dilakukan dalama rangka ingin mengetahui objektifitas media dalam menyampaikan berita sengketa pilpres tahun 2019 di Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini mengungakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan framing Robert. N. Entman. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer, data yang didapatkan dari pemberitaan Jawa pos dari edisi 18 Juni sampai 28 Juni 2019,dan data sekunder berupatulisan mengenai Jawa pos serta buku-buku yang berkaitan dengan analisisframing Robert. N. Entman. Hasil penelitiannya yaitu 1) Pemberitaan yang ditulis wartawan menggunakan dua penggambaran nilai moral, yaitu nilai positif dan nilai negatif. Nilai positif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan MK, KPU dan paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin, sedangkan nilai negatif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh teks berita yang wartawan tulis mengambarkan lemahnya posisi paslon 02 karena tidak kuatnya dalil-dalil yang diajukan serta bukti-bukti dan saksi yang diberikan tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, bahkan diberitakan bahwa paslon 02 juga telah mengajukan saksi yang memberikan keterangan palsu. Aspek kedua adalah mengenai posisi Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019.Wartawan Jawa Pos dirasa kurang berimbang dalam memberitakan konflik tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari penekanan yang secara tidak langsung lebih menguntungkan posisi paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dibanding dengan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh berita yang diambil sebagai objek kajian dalam penelitian ini cenderung mengutamakan pihak Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dan memarjinalkan posisi Prabowo-Sandi. Paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin digambarkan sebagai pihak yang dirugikan dengan adanya pengajuan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019 ke jalur konstitusi sedangkan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi digambarkan sebagai pihak yang bersalah dan tidak memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk membuktikan tuduhannya mengenai kecurangan yang telah dilakukan oleh paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. 2) pemberitaan wartawan Jawa pos dalam memberitakan konflik Sengketa Pilpres Tahun 2019, kurang berimbang dalam menyuguhkan informasi, cenderung mendukung pada paslon 1 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. Kata Kunci: Framing, Sengketa Pilpres 2019, Surat Kabar, Jawa Pos


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Agnes Fitryantica

The Constitutional Court based on Article 24C of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia has 4 authorities and 1 obligation. These provisions are further contained in Article 10 of Law Number 24 Year 2003 concerning the Constitutional Court. The constitutional authority of the Constitutional Court in examining, adjudicating and deciding cases of judicial review of the constitution is about the constitutionality of norms. The method used is normative (doctrinal) legal research, using secondary data in the form of primary, tertiary and secondary legal materials. One of the legal materials used as the basis for analysis is the judge's decision and its implications for the judicial review. The results of the study that, the authority to test the Act against the 1945 Constitution theoretically or practically, makes the Constitutional Court as a controlling and balancing body in the administration of state power. The KPK is not the object of the Parlement questionnaire rights. The ruling emphasized that the KPK was an institution that could be the object of the questionnaire right by the Parlement. The implications of the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 36 / PUU-XV / 2017, can be grouped in two ways, namely: first, the implications are positively charged, namely the affirmation of the ownership of the House of Representatives questionnaire rights in Indonesian governance. Second, the negative implication is the possibility of using the DPR's excessive questionnaire rights without regard to existing limitations.Keywords : constitutional court; KPK; parlement.Mahkamah Konstitusi berdasarkan Pasal 24C UUD NRI Tahun 1945 memiliki 4 kewenangan dan 1 kewajiban. Ketentuan tersebut dituangkan lebih lanjut dalam Pasal 10 UU Nomor 24 Tahun 2003 tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi. Kewenangan konstitusional Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam memeriksa, mengadili dan memutus perkara pengujian undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar adalah mengenai konstitusionalitas norma. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif (doktrinal), dengan menggunakan data sekunder berupa bahan hukum primer, tersier dan sekunder. Salah satu bahan hukum yang dijadikan dasar analisis adalah putusan hakim dan implikasinya terhadap yudicial review. Hasil penelitian bahwa, kewenangan menguji Undang-Undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 secara teoritis atau praktis, menjadikan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pengontrol dan penyeimbang dalam penyelenggaraan kekuasaan negara, Dalam Putusan Nomor 36/PUU-XV/2017, Mahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan menolak permohonan pemohon yang pada intinya menyebut KPK bukan merupakan objek hak angket DPR. Putusan tersebut menegaskan KPK merupakan lembaga yang dapat menjadi objek hak angket oleh DPR. Implikasi dari putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 36/PUU-XV/2017 tersebut, dapat dikelompokkan dalam dua hal, yaitu: pertama, implikasi yang bermuatan positif, yaitu penegasan dimilikinya hak angket Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dalam ketatanegaran Indonesia. Kedua, Implikasi yang bermuatan negatif yaitu adanya kemungkinan penggunaan hak angket DPR yang eksesif tanpa memperhatikan batasan-batasan yang ada.Kata Kunci: DPR; KPK; Mahkamah Konstitusi.     


Yustitia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-237
Author(s):  
Ujang Suratno

Judicial authority in Indonesia is carried out by a Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court which has the authority to examine laws against the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and decide on the authority dispute of state institutions whose authority is granted by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The Constitutional Court in examining the Law against the 1945 Constitution became a polemic related to the prejudicial object which was finally answered through the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) number 21 / PUU-XII / 2014. The Constitutional Court granted part of the application for corruption convictions in the case of PT Chevron Bachtiar's Abdul Fatah biomediation project, one of which examined the prejudicial object provisions which were polemic, especially after the South Jakarta District Court's prejudicial has canceled the status of suspect Commissioner Budi Gunawan (BG) by the KPK. This study is a legal research using a normative juridical approach and descriptive analytical research specifications. The data used in this study are secondary data consisting of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. Data obtained through library studies and field research in the form of legislation, books, journals, and authoritative electronic media. The results of this study are 2 (two) explanations, namely First, Constitutional Court Judges have made legal inventions by providing interpretations and limitations on what can be the object of prejudicial in criminal procedural law by testing it against the constitution and seeing whether the KUHAP Articles tested are contradictory with constitutional rights. Secondly, the Constitutional Court uses several interactive techniques used by member judges in decision number 21 / PUU-XII / 2014. In the joint decision, the judges used Authentic, Systematic, Grammatical, Historical, Extensively and sociological interpretation techniques. This can be seen in the decision of point one stating a phrase which means interpreting the law using grammatical techniques


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Herdiansyah Hamzah

Given the urgency for the peoples’ interests, legislation in the field of natural resources should be treated more compared to other fields. The urgency of arrangement in the field of natural resources is not only the right of every citizen to gain access to natural resources that we have, but also provide a guarantee that Indonesia’ natural resources can still be maintained and sustained to future generations. Unfortunately, the legal policy of natural resources tends to move towards free market competition, which is on one side open domination space for both private and foreign sectors, and on the other side attempted to remove the State’s role in the control and management of natural resources. This was strengthened by some of legislation in the field of natural resources were canceled in part or in their entirety by the Constitutional Court. In consideration of the Constitutional Court decision, explicitly confirms that the legislation product in the field of natural resources does not comply to the conditionally constitutional, where the right to “the control of state” of natural resources as mandated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution, is an absolute and should not be omitted. A shift in the law-political direction that tends to be pro-market, influenced by several aspects: First, the market ideology that is not prevented due to lack of firmness of attitude, principle independence and sovereignty politically by the lawmakers. Second, the inconsistent application of the Indonesia law ideal that embodied in the Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, in any formulation of laws related to the management of natural resources. Third, still neglecting the peoples’ participation, which in the process of making laws relating to the management of natural resources, they are closed to the demands of the people, so it tends to be very elitist and unresponsive to the aspirations of the Indonesian peoples.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 631 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Mahrus Ali ◽  
Meyrinda Rahmawaty Hilipito ◽  
Syukri Asy’ari

The research is concerning the implementation of verdict stating conditionally constitutional, conditionally unconstitutional and and the verdicts that contain new norm decided by Constitutional Court in the case of judicial review of laws againts the 1945 Constitutions of The Republic of Indonesia. This is a juridical-normative research using secondary data in the form of primary law materials, namely the court decisions which are issued throughout the year 2003 up to the year 2012 that have been collected in previous research. This research aims to know the choice of form of law taken by the addressee of the Constitutional Court verdict in following up the three variant of verdicts mentioned above. The research found that the choice of the form of law in implementing the three variants of Constitutional Court verdict is very diverse. Referring to the form and substance of the implementing rules and regulations of the three variants of verdict, there are still some incoherence with  the Constitutional Court verdict which is characterized by the presence of rejudicial review of norms that had been interpreted by the court. To address this problem,  the Constitutional Court must be provided with legal instruments, among other, judicial order that enable the Constitutional Court to order by force the addressee  to implement the Constitutional Court verdict. In addition, in order that to ensure the harmonization of legislation either vertically or horizontally as a result of the Constitutional Court verdict, then it is worth putting into consideration to expand the authority of the Constitutional Court to review all rules and legislation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saut Maruli Tua Manik

<strong>                                                                         ABSTRACT</strong><p>Since the growth of syariah banking in Indonesia, law constraints have been faced, Law Number 7 of 1992 concerning Banking changed into Law Number 10 Of 1998. Law Number 21 of 2008 on syariah Banking, Law Number 3 of 2006 has no effect on the method of dispute resolution of syariah economy. Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 93 / PUU-X / 2012 which strengthens the Religious Courts in accepting, examining, deciding syariah economic cases, but the practice there is still a syariah economic dispute resolution submitted to the District Court. Like the lawsuit to BPSK, against the decision of BPSK, its law remedy to the District Court, another example of using the District Court to resolve the syariah dispute is a matter between CV. Makmur Rezeki with PT. Bank Syariah Mandiri Branch Office Medan Ringroad. This creates a prolonged law uncertainty. This study examines the establishment of a special syariah economic court within the Religious Courts as an institution that can solve the law uncertainty. This study focuses on: First, the importance of the establishment of special courts within the Religious Courts in the settlement of syariah economic disputes; Secondly, the law construction of the establishment of a special syariah economic court within the Religious Courts. This research is a normative-empirical law research, the primary and secondary data sources Obtained from library research and field analyzed by using qualitative method. Qualitative analysis is done by taking into account the facts that exist in the field and combined with secondary data obtained from literature materials. The results of the study show that, Firstly, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 93 / PUU-X / 2012 which strengthens Religious Courts as the institution authorized to receive, examine, decide the case of syariah economy. In fact, the resolution of the syariah economic dispute still exists in the District Court. The occurrence of dualism of dispute resolution of syariah economy was caused by the unharmonious of legislation and factor of Choice of Forum and factor of judge who should not refuse the case; Secondly, the existence of special court in solving of syariah economic dispute in the environment of Religious Court was supported by law construction namely Basic Law of 1945 and Law Number 48 of 2009 regarding Judicial Power, and position within the Religious Courts under the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia in accordance with Law Number 3 of 2006 concerning Amendment to Law Number 7 of 1989 concerning Religious Courts and Law Number 50 of 2009 on the Second Amendment to Law Number 7 of 1989 on Religious Courts.</p><p><strong>Keywords: Establishment, Special Court, Syariah Economic Dispute</strong></p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 331-342
Author(s):  
Sucahyono Sucahyono

Abstract:The Constitutional Court's Decision is a product of the Judicial Review that was submitted to test the validity of the law against the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In the implementation there are two models of the system of testing the law, namely centralized or decentralized system. Both have fundamental differences because the decentralized review system is not Erga Omnes, while the centralized system has the binding nature of Erga Omnes. The research method uses normative juridical methods, using secondary data obtained through literature study and analyzed qualitatively. The results and discussion of this research are that the Constitutional Court has provided much better direction for Indonesian legal politics, as seen from its objective decisions.Keywords: Erga Ormes, Constitutional Court, Statutory Regulations. Abstrak:Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi merupakan produk dari Judicial Review yang diajukan untuk menguji keabsahan undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia. Dalam pelaksanaannya ada dua model sistem pengujian undang-undang yaitu centralized atau decentralized system. Keduanya memiliki perbedaan yang mendasar karena system desentralisasi review tidak bersifat Erga Omnes, sedang system centralized memiliki sifat mengikat Erga Omnes. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, dengan menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi pustaka dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil dan diskusi dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi telah banyak memberikan arah politik hukum Indonesia yang lebih baik, terlihat dari putusan-putusannya yang bersifat objektif.Kata Kunci: Erga Ormes, Mahkamah Konstitusi, Peraturan Perundang-Undangan


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Suparto Suparto

The purpose of this study is to analyze the position and authority of the Judicial Commission of the Republic of Indonesia and its comparison to the Netherlands Council for the Judiciary. This comparative study applied a normative juridical method. The data used in this study were secondary data. The collected data were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that Judicial Commission has an important position in judicial system in Indonesia so as structurally, its position is aligned with the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia. Yet, functionally, its role is auxiliary to the judicial power institutions. Although the function of the Judicial Commission is related to judicial power, but the Judicial Commission is not an agent of judicial power, rather, it is an agency enforcing code of ethics of judges. Besides, the Judicial Commission is also not involved in the organization, personnel, administration and financial matters of judges. This condition is different from the Judicial Commission in European countries, such as the Netherlands. The Judicial Commission in the Netherlands (The Netherlands Council for the Judiciary) has an authority in the area of technical policy and policy making in the field of justice. The Netherlands Council for the Judiciary and other Judicial Commission in European countries generally have the authority in managing organization, budget and administration as well as in conducting promotions, transfers, and recruitments as well as imposing sanctions on judges. Thus, the Supreme Court only focuses on carrying out judicial functions and does not deal with administrative and judicial organization matters.�Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memahami tentang kedudukan dan kewenangan Komisi Yudisial Republik Indonesia serta perbandingannya dengan Komisi Yudisial Belanda. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu yuridis normatif dengan cara perbandingan (komparatif). Data yang digunakan adalah data sekunder sedangkan analisis data dilakukan secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian yaitu bahwa kedudukan Komisi Yudisial sangat penting, sehinggasecara struktural kedudukannya diposisikan sederajat dengan Mahkamah Agung dan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Namun demikian� secara fungsionalperannya bersifat penunjang (auxiliary) terhadap lembaga kekuasaan kehakiman. Komisi Yudisial meskipun fungsinya terkait dengan kekuasaan kehakiman tetapi bukan� pelaku kekuasaan kehakiman, melainkan lembaga penegak norma etik (code of ethics) dari hakim. Selain itu Komisi Yudisial juga tidak terlibat dalam hal organisasi, personalia, administrasi dan keuangan para hakim. Hal ini berbeda dengan Komisi Yudisial yang ada di negara Eropa misalnya Belanda. Komisi Yudisial di Belanda (Netherland Council for Judiciary) memiliki kewenangan pada area kebijakan teknis dan pembuatan kebijakan pada bidang peradilan.Komisi Yudisial Belanda dan di Eropa pada umumnya mempunyai kewenangan dalam hal mengelola organisasi, anggaran dan administrasi peradilan termasuk dalam melakukan promosi, mutasi, rekruitmen dan memberikan sanksi terhadap hakim. Mahkamah Agung hanya fokus melaksanakan fungsi peradilan yaitu mengadili


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-346
Author(s):  
Branko Korže

Abstract The author justifies the right of business entities to free economic initiative on the basis of the human right (hereinafter ‘HR’ or ‘HRs’) to liberty, and the right to positive discrimination of small and medium-sized enterprises (hereinafter ‘SMEs’) on the HR to equality, which is in the legal sense implemented by the HR to equal protection. Such positive discrimination ensures the equal protection of SMEs in the conditions of a free market (hereinafter ‘FM’) competition. Taking HRs as his starting points, the author discusses legal policy reasons that impose the duty to enact special measures in favour of SMEs on the legislature, and evaluates the legal sources in the Republic of Slovenia that regulate such measures. By means of the results obtained from a survey conducted with SMEs, the author examines the effects of measures to ensure the equal market position of SMEs, which in the conditions of economic globalisation enables a fair market game between SMEs and large enterprises, to ensure SMEs their existence and further development.


Author(s):  
Kristīne Dupate

Latvia was seriously hit by the economic crisis at the end of 2008. The national austerity measures introduced to combat the economic crisis were insufficient and the Republic of Latvia asked for the assistance of international donors. The International Monetary Fund, the EU, and Nordic countries lent an overall sum of €3.1 billion to the country during 2009–2011. After the reference to external aid, the Latvian government and parliament relied strongly on the argument that particular cuts and restrictions were dictated by international donors in order to defend national decisions for budget cuts. The cuts in the social security system concerned healthcare expenses and statutory social insurance allowances, including pensions. Parental allowances were also affected considerably, since, apart from the introduction of upper ceilings, the conditions of entitlement were also significantly altered. The provisions on cuts of old-age and service pensions as well as parental allowances were contested before the Constitutional Court. Based on fundamental rights and principles stemming from the Latvian Constitution, as well as on international human rights, the Constitutional Court ruled on the incompatibility of some of the measures with the Constitution.


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