scholarly journals “No éramos del MIR los pobladores, nosotros estábamos por una necesidad que era la vivienda”: Los pobladores del campamento Nueva La Habana y el MIR, 1970-1973

2017 ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Alejandra Araya González
Keyword(s):  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Housing Assistance ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Squatter Settlement ◽  
Siglo Xx

Dentro de los repertorios de acción del movimiento de pobladores, sobresalen las formas en que estos actores urbanos se relacionaron con organismos políticos durante la búsqueda de solución a su problema habitacional. Este artículo propone un análisis de las relaciones socio-políticas que sostuvieron los pobladores del Nueva La Habana con el MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que aquellos vínculos marcaron una dinámica social-política oscilante entre la búsqueda de una asistencia habitacional y la influencia política de un movimiento revolucionario que recién se vinculaba con los pobladores. En esta línea, se postula que la construcción identitaria de los pobladores de Nueva La Habana se puede entender a partir de una conducta pragmática en la experiencia política que vivieron con los dirigentes del MIR, constituyendo un sello identitario sustancial, que abre una perspectiva histórica para comprender la conducta social-política de los pobladores durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX y el Chile actual.Palabras clave: Movimiento de pobladores, Campamento Nueva La Habana, MIR, experiencia política.“We, the squatters, did not belong to the MIR, we were there because our necessity of dwelling”: Squatters of the squatter settlement Nueva La Habana and the MIR, 1970-1973AbstractIn histories of action of the squatters’ movement, we can highlight the ways in which these urban actors related to political organisms looking for a solution to their housing problem. This article proposes an analysis of the socio-political relations among the squatters of New Havana and the MIR between 1970-1973, postulating that those links marked an oscillating social-political dynamics between the search for a housing assistance and the political influence of a revolutionary movement that was linked with the squatters. In this sense, it is postulated that the identity construction of the inhabitants of Nueva La Habana can be understood from a pragmatic behavior in the political experience they lived with MIR’s leaders, constituting a substantial identity character that opens a historical perspective for understanding the social-political behavior of the squatters during the second half of the Twentieth Century and today in Chile.Keywords: Movement of squatters, New Havana squatter settlement, MIR, political experience.“Os povoadores não éramos do MIR, nós estávamos por uma necessidade que foi a morada”: Os moradores do acampamento a Nueva La Habana e o MIR, 1970-1973ResumoDentro dos repertórios de ação do movimento de povoadores, sobressaem asmaneiras pelas quais esses atores urbanos se relacionaram com organizações políticas durante a busca de uma solução para seu problema habitacional. Este artigo propõe uma análise das relações sócio-políticas que sustentaram aos povoadores da Nueva La Habana com o MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que esses laços, marcaram uma dinâmica sócio-política que oscilam entre a busca de assistência habitacional e a influência política de um movimento revolucionário que, recentemente, se vinculava com os povoadores. Nesta linha, postula-se que a construção da identidade dos povoadores da Nueva La Habana pode ser entendida a partir de uma conduta pragmática na experiência política viveram com os dirigentes do MIR, constituindo um selo de identidade substancial, que abre uma perspectiva histórica para compreender a conduta sócio-política dos povoadores durante a segunda metade do século XX e o Chile atual.Palavras-chave: Movimento de povoadores, Acampamento Nova Havana, MIR, experiência política.

Israel's Military Aid to Africa, 1960–66

1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Donor Country ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Assistance ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recipient Government ◽  
The Military

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.

scholarly journals How to Analyze Islamist Politics: Is it possible to make a Political Study without Sociology of Islam?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Özgür Erden
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Social

This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political study in examining any political movement, party, and fact or event. However, our study will more stress on political structures, events and struggles or conflicts produced and reproduced by the political institutions, the relationships and the processes in question. Taking into account all these, it will be argued that they have been more significant as compared to class position, capital accumulation, market in economic structure, or culture and education, in a political study.

Social, Political, and Environmental Impacts in Latin America

2018 ◽  
pp. 284-318
Author(s):  
Rhys Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Environmental Impacts ◽  
Economic Impacts ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Caribbean

Rather less has been written about the social, political, and environmental impacts of China on Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) than the economic impacts. In terms of social impacts, the chapter considers the effects in terms of both employment and the way in which Chinese companies in the extractive industries have affected local communities. In LAC, discussion of the political implications have mainly focussed on whether or not China’s growing presence represents a threat to US interests in the region, but there is no evidence that China is exercising undue political influence in the region as the case studies of Brazil and Venezuela illustrate. There is little systematic evidence concerning the environmental impacts, although the case of soybeans illustrates the potential negative consequences of growing demand from China.

Rebels in the Making

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
William L. Barney
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

Rebels in the Making narrates and interprets secession in the fifteen slave states in 1860–1861. It is a political history informed by the socioeconomic structures of the South and the varying forms they took across the region. It explains how a small minority of Southern radicals exploited the hopes and fears of Southern whites over slavery after Lincoln’s election in November of 1860 to create and lead a revolutionary movement with broad support, especially in the Lower South. It reveals a divided South in which the commitment to secession was tied directly to the extent of slave ownership and the political influence of local planters. White fears over the future of slavery were at the center of the crisis, and the refusal of Republicans to sanction the expansion of slavery doomed efforts to reach a sectional compromise. In January 1861, six states in the Lower South joined South Carolina in leaving the Union, and delegates from the seceded states organized a Confederate government in February. Lincoln’s call for troops to uphold the Union after the Confederacy fired on Fort Sumter in April 1861 finally pushed the reluctant states of the Upper South to secede in defense of slavery and white supremacy.

scholarly journals Pedro Zulen: diligente político en la sociedad peruana de inicios del siglo XX

2019 ◽  
pp. 151-159
Author(s):  
Saby Evelyn Lazarte Oyague
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
Siglo Xx

ResumenAbordamos el quehacer político de Pedro Zulen como intelectual peruano del siglo XX, importante por su activismo y diligencia a favor de los indígenas a inicios del periodo contemporáneo. Reflexionamos acerca de la intervención intelectual de Zulen en aspectos de la realidad peruana, su compromiso social y la influencia de su pensamiento político para las clases dirigentes del país. Consideramos su praxis de acción a partir de los lineamientos presentados junto a Joaquín Capelo y Dora Mayer tras la conformación de la Asociación Proindígena. Palabras clave: Política, justicia, indígena, realidad peruana, praxis. AbstractWe address the political role of Pedro Zulen as Peruvian intellectual of the 20th century who is considered relevant for his activism and diligence in favor of the Indians at the beginning of the contemporary period. We reflect on Zulen intellectual intervention in aspects of Peruvian reality, as well as his social and political influence of his thought towards the ruling classes of the country. We consider his praxis of action from the guidelines presented by Joaquín Capelo and Dora Mayer after forming the Asociacion Proindigena. Keywords: Politics, Justice, Indigenous, Peruvian Reality, praxis.

El psicoanálisis y la actualidad de la subjetividad neoliberal en Chile. / Psychoanalysis and the current neoliberal subjectivity in Chile.

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 115-128
Author(s):  
Eduardo Pozo Cisternas
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Lacanian Psychoanalysis ◽  
Ernesto Laclau ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Philosopher ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Community Relationship

En un primer momento planteo cómo una parte de la tradición política de izquierda, ha dejado de lado la rigidez de sus planteamientos históricosuniversales, para abrirse a las turbulencias de una teoría del sujeto, esto para intentar no aplastar la singularidad de aquellos que articulan un movimiento emancipatorio. En este punto, me centro en la influencia del psicoanálisis freudiano-lacaniano y de los aportes del filósofo político Ernesto Laclau. A partir de este marco, propongo analizar la particularidad de la subjetividad chilena neoliberal actual, su relación con la política, con el individualismo y con la violencia. Rescato un posible punto de inflexión de todo esto a partir del movimiento estudiantil del 2011, que abrió un pequeño agujero en la dinámica política y la posibilidad de construir ahí un nuevo proyecto que aloje una subjetividad menos narcisista. Argumento de que el psicoanálisis, si bien es una práctica clínica que trabaja con la singularidad de cada sujeto, también debe tener una posición ética en el campo social y frente al empuje del discurso capitalista neoliberal que, consolidado luego de los grandes desastres del siglo XX, lleva a la destrucción del tejido social. At first I consider how a part of the leftist political tradition, it has put aside the rigidity of its historical-universal approaches, to open to the turbulences of a theory of the subject, this to try not to crush the singularity of those who articulate an emancipatory movement. At this point, I focus on the influence of Freudian-Lacanian psychoanalysis and the contributions of the political philosopher Ernesto Laclau. From this framework, I propose to analyze the particularity of the current Chilean neoliberal subjectivity, its relation with politics, with individualism and with violence. Rescue a possible turning point of all this from the student movement of 2011, which opened a small hole in the political dynamics and the possibility of building there a new project that houses a less narcissistic subjectivity. I argue that psychoanalysis, although it is a clinical practice that works with the singularity of each subject, must also have an ethical position in the social field and against the thrust of neoliberal capitalist discourse that, consolidated after the great disasters of the 20th century, leads to the destruction of the community relationship.

scholarly journals The Institutionalization of Political Humor as a Form of Reflection

2014 ◽  
pp. 219-227
Author(s):  
S. S. Melnikov
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Political Humor ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Individual

The paper analyzes the genesis of modern political humor and determines its position in the system of spiritual relations in society. The formation of the need to comprehend social relations by means of humor during progressive transition from traditional to modern society is investigated. We note that humor is essentially a social phenomenon. A fundamental distinction between humor formed in the modern period and humor of previous times is the presence of reflexivity. New kind of humor has also dealt with political relations began to be interpreted by means of humor culture. In the course of research we found that comic interpretation of politics became feasible due to the legislative fixation of individual rights as a part of modern political culture. The emancipated personality demonstrates more complicated expectations to a political institute and experiences acute dissatisfaction as state authorities have often made decisions not appropriate to such expectations. For the individual as sovereign entity political humor became a sort of social and psychological compensation. An author pays attention to the fact that the social subject having shown such a reaction was formed during the second half of XIX and the beginning of XX centuries because of the dissemination of the print media and was named «the audience». The audience became a key agent of humorous reflection about the political institute. As a case that grounds the applicability of this theory to the practice the paper considers the example of inclusion of specific comic genre (political caricature) in the social discourse in the West and in Russia.

Identity construction and negotiation in Chinese political discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-351
Author(s):  
Lihua Liu
Keyword(s):  
Identity Construction ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Safety Hazards ◽  
The Social ◽  
Crisis Discourse

Abstract Based on identity theory and previous studies of crisis discourse, this paper systematically analyzes the process of identity construction and negotiation between political discourse and social discourse representing the event of a fire at Xinjian Village, Daxing District in the southern suburb of Beijing. It is found that in the first phase, the political discourse focuses on the meta-discourse of “for Renmin’s sake, we carry out a campaign of thorough inspection, cleaning-up and rectification to eliminate safety hazards.” In the second phase of the event the Renmin category is then represented concretely as “residents”, “migrant workers”, “people who need help” and so on. These discursive practices have constructed a relatively acknowledged identification with the social groups concerned, and thus positively affect the governance and management of this crisis event.

scholarly journals The Difference Between Self-Reported and Perceived Survey Measures and the Implications for Political Socialization Research

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Boonen ◽  
Ellen Quintelier ◽  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Child Socialization ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One

Within research on the political influence that social network members exert on one another, some studies rely on information obtained directly from different members in the network separately (self-reported measures), while others rely on information obtained from one key informant within the social network (measures based on perception). We investigate the difference between these self-reported and perceived measures by analyzing the correspondence of voting intentions within the family. On the one hand, we examine this correspondence using information obtained from only one family member. On the other hand, we use the self-reported measures obtained from all family members separately. We use data from the Parent-Child Socialization Study (PCSS), a survey conducted among 2,085 mothers, fathers and children in the Flemish region of Belgium (2012). Our analyses suggest that using perceptual measures could lead researchers to different or even opposite conclusions than using self-reported measures from all individual respondents.

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