scholarly journals Aplikasi Rekapitulasi Suara Yang Diperoleh Calon Legislatif Pada Pemilihan Umum

Author(s):  
Ulfah Indriani ◽  
Nita Syahputri

General Election is a democratic party held every 5 (five) years. General elections are held to elect state officials from the President, Regional Head and Legislative Members. There are so many people who really want that position because of the huge income, luxurious facilities and high social level. Many people are willing to spend large amounts of money in order to be able to occupy these seats. This is because each candidate must get a large number of people's votes so that the candidates cannot work alone in order to gain votes. And if the election has arrived and the people have chosen, then the legislative candidates will try as soon as possible to find out whether they will be elected or not. The basis for the vote calculation is form C1 which is the result of manual recapitulation at the polling station (polling station). This form is very much even reaching thousands of files. The problem is that it is difficult and takes a long time if we have to count thousands of sheets and want to see the number of votes and voice mapping in the Electoral District (Electoral District) manually. Therefore, the researcher tried to make an application that could facilitate candidates for legislative candidates in carrying out vote counting. With this application it will be easy and fast in knowing the number of votes obtained. With this application, Legislative candidates will find out whether they can be elected or not. And the conclusion of this discussion is how a technology in the world of computers will greatly help candidates for the legislature to cut time and get detailed information about the votes obtained.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Indarja Indarja

The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on  results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (S-1) ◽  
pp. 183-187
Author(s):  
Kalaiselvan P

Different beliefs and practices are found in human life from birth to death. These beliefs are created by the people and are followed and protected by the mother’s community. Man has been living with nature since ancient times. Beliefs appeared in natural human life. Hope can be traced back to ancient Tamils and still prevails in Tamil Nadu today. The hope of seeing the omen in it is found all over the world. Proverbs show that people have faith in omens. Our ancestors wrote the book 'Gauli Shastri' because the lizard omen is very important in our society. The word lizard played a major role in Tamil life during the Sangam period. It is possible to know that people have lived by the benefit of the lizard. There is hope from the public that the sound of the lizard will predict what will happen next. The purpose of this article is to illustrate the lizard word that has been around for a long time in folklore.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Batlang Seabo ◽  
Robert Nyenhuis

Abstract On October 23, 2019, Botswana held its twelfth free and fair election. For the first time in the history of Botswana’s electoral democracy, a former president (Ian Khama) defected from the ruling party and supported the opposition. The opposition coalition, working informally with Khama, mounted a spirited campaign against the well-oiled machine, the incumbent and long-ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). Seabo and Nyenhuis reflect on the 2019 general election, analyze the outcome, and consider the implications for the future of Botswana’s electoral democracy. They argue that barring other factors, the BDP’s resounding victory was mainly a result of Batswana’s rejection of former president Ian Khama.


1961 ◽  
Vol 107 (449) ◽  
pp. 795-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Prince

Witchcraft, the extra-natural interference in the welfare of the community by women, has long since ceased to be a source of major concern in Western society. In many other areas of the world, however, the witch remains a very active and vital image in the consciousness of the people, This is certainly true for the Yoruba*—a negro group occupying large areas of Nigeria, Dahomey and Togoland along the north-west coast of Africa. With the Yoruba (irrespective of his social level, religion or education), belief in the witch and in her powers is all but universal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Ta’mirotul Biroroh

The mechanism for transferring people's sovereignty is carried out through general elections to elect leaders and representatives of the people who will be mandated to carry out state and government affairs in accordance with the provisions contained in the legislation. One of the interesting developments from the point of view of the Indonesian state administration began when Indonesia experienced a transitional period of general elections (elections) which are one of the main pillars of democracy. In Indonesia, the existence of an election management body has existed since the 1955 general election until now. In every course of political history, Indonesia has several different institutional models of election management from time to time.  The General Election Commission in Indonesia it is called Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is an institution that carries out the function of organizing elections in Indonesia. In addition to the KPU, there are institutions that also play an important role in the implementation of elections and are closely related to the existence of the KPU, namely survey institutions that carry out quick count processes. The survey institutions in a number of developing countries, especially those that are actively building democracy, are also not a little doubted by their moral honesty, at least being sued with a critical attitude such as the existence of a poll on the existence of a political survey institution, which has resulted in an attitude of uncertainty about the performance survey agency. This condition makes people less confident in the survey results which are considered no longer independent. It is proven that every time an election is held, a number of survey institutions seem to want to lead public opinion towards certain contestants. This is certainly very unfortunate considering that the survey results are one of the important instruments in democracy.


CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.


PLENO JURE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-67
Author(s):  
Abd. Kahar Muzakkir ◽  
Muhammad Alhamid ◽  
Gustiana A. Kambo

This study aims to analyze the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Election, which has been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program and its relation to the 2024 General Election. This type of research is a normative study using a political-law approach. The technical analysis used in this study, namely hermeneutic analysis, interpretation analysis, and SWOT analysis. The results show that the Government's rejection of the Draft Law on General Elections that have been stipulated in the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program will increase Jokowi's political power as a cadre of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and will provide electoral benefits to gain constituent votes in the 2024 Election. This is reinforced by a SWOT analysis related to implementing the presidential threshold in the 2024 General Election, where only the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle can directly carry its cadres to become Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidate Pairs without a coalition of political parties. Meanwhile, eight political parties must form a candidate for the Joint Candidate Pair of Political Parties in the 2024 Election. Furthermore, it is hoped that President Joko Widodo will continue to carry out his role as head of state and not abuse power at the time of appointing a task force, both at the provincial and Regency/City levels. In addition, it is hoped that every political party will continue to carry out the best strategy in promoting Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates without having to lead public opinion regarding the presidential threshold issue in the 2024 General Election.     Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Program Legislasi Nasional Rancangan (Prolegnas) 2020-2024, serta keterkaitannya pada Pemilihan Umum 2024. Jenis penelitian ini merupakan penelitian normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan politik hukum. Adapun teknis analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu analisis hermeneutik, analisis interpretasi, dan analisis SWOT. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penolakan Pemerintah terhadap Rancangan Undang-Undang tentang Pemilihan Umum yang telah ditetapkan dalam Prolegnas Rancangan 2020-2024 akan memperbesar kekuasaan politik Jokowi selaku kader Partai PDIP-P, dan akan memberikan manfaat elektoral untuk meraih suara konstituen pada Pemilu 2024. Hal ini diperkuat dengan analisis SWOT terkait implementasi presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024, dimana hanya PDIP yang dapat langsung mengusung Kadernya menjadi Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa koalisi atau gabungan partai Politik. Sedangkan delapan Partai Politik di antaranya harus membentuk usungan Pasangan Calon Gabungan Partai Politik pada Pemilu Tahun 2024. Selanjutnya, diharapkan Presiden Joko Widodo tetap menjalankan peranannya sebagai kepala Negara dan tidak menyalahgunakan kekuasaan pada saat melakukan PLT, baik di tingkatan Provinsi maupun Kabupaten/Kota. Selain itu, diharapkan setiap Partai Politik tetap melakukan strategi terbaik dalam mengusung Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tanpa harus menggiring opini publik terkait permasalahan presidential threshold pada Pemilu Tahun 2024.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.


Author(s):  
Adil Afsar ◽  
Adil Afsar

The world today is evolving at a very rapid pace. The needs today won't be the needs of tomorrow. This shift of the needs and longing of humans to experience something beyond exceptional is not momentary. This shift is continuous and humans are pushing their limits to experience something which they haven't before. In order to quench that thirst, the products which satisfy their desires don't last long and that's why the products today are short lived and are not sustainable. This is very good for the economy in order to keep the cycle running espousing consumerism as well. This is giving a tough challenge to designers and architects of today to create something sustainable which can keep the people engaged for a long time. Thus, the designers and Architects are in the middle of this issue. Where they don't know whether they shall create something which is sustainable or something which is short lived and increases the desire of the consumer to look for what next.


Te Kaharoa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu

Just when Tongan Democratic Party leader ‘Akilisi Pohiva stumped the public by saying he admired Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama because “he has been able to make things happen and take development to the people,” the Government of Tonga’s Minister for Lands, Lord Ma’afu, came right out of the blue and trumped him (Tonga Daily News, 2014a, 2014b).  Ma’afu topped Pohiva at causing public bamboozlement. By this, Pohiva was the progenitor of Tonga’s thirty year old pro-democracy movement.  Why would he over romanticise about the former military commodore Frank Bainimarama, the hard-line originator of Fiji’s third coup to take place in a period of twenty eight years?  Pohiva’s swinging politics from democracy in Tonga to an overthrow of democracy in Fiji baffled readers (Naidu, 2014; Graue, 2014).  But Ma’afu took centre stage as the show stopper. Momentarily, people were gobsmacked and did not know what to make of him.  Was Tonga’s Minister for Lands and Survey who was a senior noble in the Tu’ivakano cabinet courting mischief or dead serious?  Fiji’s permanent secretary for foreign affairs Amena Yauvoli was certain, we “would just have to wait for the Tongan government’s proposal” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  But as Tongan journalist Kalafi Moala put it, “they will be waiting for a very long time” on that geopolitical front (Moala, 2014). This essay explores the geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji instigated by Tonga Daily News publishing online that Lord Ma’afu had said, “In good faith I will propose to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Fiji that they can have Minerva Reef and we get Lau in return” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  The very thought of drawing up a new map instantly ignited outrage from Fijian readers.  How then, might Tonga and Fiji’s argument over ownership of the Minerva Reefs play out this time around?  Could the region’s geopolitical atlas ever be imagined differently when its cartography was permanently cemented to the era of Western European colonial empire?  When the media fooled people to believe Lord Ma’afu wanted the Lau Islands for the Minerva Reefs, what did this signal about how news sites can manoeuver shock advertising and manipulate what politicians say to up their ratings?


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