scholarly journals Zadonshchina, Ryazan, and the Moscow Princely Family

Slovene ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-213
Author(s):  
Alexander V. Lavrentyev

This paper is devoted to the history and controversies surrounding the outstanding representative of Russian medieval literature from the late 14th century, the famous Zadonshchina. This work glorifies the military victory of the united forces of the Russian troops, led by Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy, over the Tatar army on 8 September 1380, at Kulikovo Field near the Don River. This article presents arguments in favor of a Ryazan origin of the Zadonshchina text; furthermore, the article offers an explanation of the presence in the text of two “protagonists,” Grand Prince Dmitry Ivanovich and his cousin, Vladimir Andreyevich the Bold, Prince of Serpukhov. The joint rule of the “brothers” was a result of deaths caused by the plague in the Moscow ruling house, which took the dynasty to the brink of extinction. This feature of the political situation is reflected in the Zadonshchina text.

Author(s):  
A. Dzhumadullaeva ◽  
◽  
E. Zulpykharova ◽  

The article considers the fact that the Seljuk state was founded by the Oghuz Seljuks, as well as the internal social policy of the Seljuk empire as a prerequisite for a crisis in the country (late XI and early XII centuries). The Seljuks combined the fragmented political landscape of the eastern Islamic world and played a key role in first and second crusades. Strongly Persianized in culture and language, the Seljuks also played an important role in the development of the Turkic-Persian tradition, even exporting Persian culture to Anatolia. The resettlement of Turkic tribes in the northwestern peripheral parts of the empire with the military strategic goal of repelling the invasions of neighboring states led to the gradual Turkization of these territories. Sultans handed out nobles and ordinary warriors to the nobility - ikta, which made it possible for the sultan to maintain power. At the end of the XI century, large conquests ended, bringing the nobility new lands and military booty, which led to a change in the political situation in the country. Know began to strive to turn their possessions into legally hereditary, and their power over the Rayyats - into unlimited; the owners of large Lenas raised rebellions, seeking independence (Khorezm in the 1st half of the XII century). To provide the army with land (ICT), wages, gifts, food, weapons, uniforms, medicines, the Sultan's government went to any expense. The widespread use of ICT in the army has allowed the creation of a stable mercenary army, specializing in the change of people's squads


2019 ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Mariola Freza‑Olczyk

This essay presents the diplomatic relations between the Pomeranian Duke Bogusław IV and his stepmother, Duchess Matilda. Bogusław was the first son of Duke Barnim I and his second wife, Duchess Margaret of Mecklenburg. The first aim is to describe some general information relating to their personal life. Another crucial objective is to explore in greater detail the political situation in the Duchy of Pomerania towards the end of the 13th century and in the early 14th century. This is a complex problem because of the numerous conflicets between Duke Bogusław IV and the Margraviate of Brandenburg. His stepmother, Duchess Matilda, was a daughter of Margrave Otto III of Brandenburg. This fact had an immense influence on their diplomatic relations. In 1295, the Duchy of Pomerania was divided between Duke Bogusław IV and his half‑brother, Otto I. According to this agreement, Bogusław received Wolgast, and Otto Szczecin. The paper shows that in all likelihood Duchess Matilda contributed to this division of the duchy.


Author(s):  
Anatoliy Skripkin

For many years causes of the fall of Scythia have been a subject to a great deal of scientific scrutiny. The topic is still debatable. The author has recently published several papers, which justify Sarmatians’ involvement in the fall of Scythia in the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BC based on the written and archaeological evidence. Previously, the concept has also been supported by other researchers. These days, however, there are studies in favor of alternative versions claiming Sarmatians’ innocence in the events leading to the fall of Scythia. The main ideas of the studies boil down to the statement of no evidence of Sarmatians from the 3rd century BC being found not only in the North Pontic region but also to the east from the Don river. In the light of the statement, they implement the idea that Sarmatians’ appearance in the Eastern European steppes dates back to the time not earlier than the 2nd century BC. In the article, the author, given the anthropological and archaeological datasets, confirms the Sarmatians’ continuous presence in the Volga-Urals region without any chronological gaps between the 4th and the 1st century BC. The idea of the stage-by-stage settlement of the eastern nomads in the Volga-Don region and the North Pontic region is suggested. In the first stage, since the middle of the 4th century BC, the political situation underwent some destabilization processes due to the appearance of Sarmatians in the Lower Don region. The second stage is characterized by Sarmatians attacking Scythia in the first half of the 3rd century BC. For most of the 3rd century BC, Sarmatians’ main habitat was located to the east of the Don river. From there they conducted raids on the territory of the Northern part of the Black Sea region to plunder or collect the tribute. This concept is also supported by linguists’ new interpretations of written sources.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amini Abdul Rahman ◽  
Camara Sidy ◽  
Mаnopov Mukhammadsolekh Musoevich ◽  
Shir Aqa Njeebullah

The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that at present the political system of Afghanistan requires fundamental changes: the political situation in the country continues to be complex and tense, and the tendency to aggravate the situation in the country is stable: terrorism, drug crime and corruption are common threats to both Afghanistan and the entire world community. Therefore, the search of the current perspective of the development of the political system of Afghanistan is the key factor to resolve this situation. Afghanistan continues to be a place of conflict between the interests of world and regional powers: the advantageous geopolitical and strategic location of Afghanistan makes it a key region in ensuring the stability of the military and political situation in the entire Central Asian region and gives it the opportunity to play an important role in economic, political and cultural interaction between the countries of the region. The purpose of the study is to consider the current perspective of the political system of Afghanistan. The article is devoted to the state of the modern political system of Afghanistan and the search for ways of its development and transformation. The current problems and ways of development of the political system of Afghanistan through the introduction of federalization and secularization are considered in detail. The author pays special attention to the fact that there are a lot of options for the development and transformation of the political system of Afghanistan, but on the way of their implementation in this country there are many problems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-113
Author(s):  
Rustam Аlhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.


2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-863 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Kociszewska

AbstractThis article examines theBallet des Polonais(1573), a magnificent festival given by Catherine de Médicis on the occasion of the election of her son, Henri de Valois, the future Henri III of France, to the throne of Poland. It argues that the invention of spectacle, as described in the official Latin account by the poet and humanist Jean Dorat, is much more relevant to the political situation of the time than scholars have previously recognized. Placed in an immediate historical, literary, and visual context, the text of theBalletmakes allusions to contemporary topics, including the military glory of Henri de Valois and the imperial destiny of the French monarchy. The elaborate web of references to books 5 and 9 of theAeneidand to Catullus 64 displays the primary role of Catherine de Médicis, who is lauded for overcoming her maternal sorrow at Henri’s departure for the sake of promoting the Valois Empire.


1979 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dunstan M. Wai

The shrinking political arena in Africa,1 caused by the authoritarian practices of presidential monarchs, has more often than not undermined the process of legitimation, as those who have not ‘fallen into things’ resort to unconstitutional means to gain access to political and economic kingdoms. Hitherto, political competition has become a raw power struggle, partly as a result of the absence of stable institutions for channelling and ordering politics,2 and partly because political leadership is so divided that it has failed to give form to statecraft. The failure of the first generation of African politicians has consequently encouraged the military to intervene and to sack them. But the African army has also experienced divisions and factions. Its record has not been impressive. Thus, in most African countries, the political situation has deteriorated progressively to praetorianism.3


1977 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
Richard Roman

The Mexican Constitutional Congress of 1916-1917 represents in many respects a culmination of the struggle begun before 1910 against the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz. The Constitutional Congress was not only a culmination of the violent phase of the Mexican Revolution. It also involved a codification, if not a crystallization, of goals and perspectives that either pre-date 1910 or emerged during the struggles of 1910-1917. These struggles involved competing mobilizations within the Revolutionary coalition and, finally, a civil war within the Revolution between the forces of the Convention (the unstable coalition between the Zapatistas and the Villistas) and those of the Constitutionalists. The Constitutional Congress takes place after the military victory of the Constitutionalists and delegate eligibility was restricted to those who had actively supported the Constitutionalists. The radical economic nationalism and other innovative features of the Constitution have captured the attention of commentators. While the interpretation of the economic nationalism and other features remains the subject of considerable dispute, the notion that the Constitutionalists had a democratizing thrust in the political realm has remained unchallenged. Our analysis of both the articles and, more importantly, the debates at the Constitutional Congress leads us to challenge the premise of a democratizing impulse. This is not to say that the Constitutionalist delegates were for dictatorship, but it is to suggest that compared to the Constitution of 1857, the Constitutionalists do not emerge as radical democrats but as elitists that are fearful of mass participation as well as fearful of the possibility of a new dictatorship. We will examine the debates on four issues for this purpose: (A) suffrage; (B) literacy requirements to serve as a Deputy (member of Congress); (C) directness of electing officials; (D) no re-election.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Martín Freigedo Peláez

En su mayoría, los crímenes contra los derechos humanos cometidos por el Estado uruguayo en el período previo a la dictadura cívico-militar, y durante la misma, aún están impunes. Esto es consecuencia, en parte, de la aprobación en 1986 de la ley de Caducidad Punitiva del Estado, que limita al Poder Judicial a intervenir sobre estos. Sin embargo, las discusiones políticas en torno a las violaciones de los derechos humanos están latentes y son parte de un proceso que todavía no tiene un punto final. En este sentido, las posiciones de los actores del sistema político han sido muy disímiles y han cambiado según la coyuntura política del país. En este artículo se presentan las posiciones liberales y republicanas de dichos actores para argumentar sus posturas en torno a la vieja discusión teórica sobre los derechos humanos y la soberanía popular. The liberal and republican arguments about the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State: a look from the position of the actors in the political systemAbstract                                                 Most of the crimes against human rights committed by the Uruguayan government during the military dictatorship period remain unpunished. This is due in part, by the adoption in 1986 of Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State, limiting the judiciary to intervene over such crimes. However, policy discussions about the violations of human rights are still present and far from an endpoint. The actors of the political system have taken very different positions over this matter with changes according to the political situation of the country. In this article, we present the liberal and republican positions of these actors to argue their attitude towards the old theoretical discussion of human rights and popular sovereignty. 


Author(s):  
R. T. Ganiev

The  article  studies  the  events  of  the  military  confrontation  between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk Empire had a great military and political influence in Central Asia and posed a threat to its neighbors. Along with the separatists who  opposed  the  Sui  Dynasty,  the  military  governor  Taiyuan  Li  Yuan  sought the assistance of the Turks. He formed an alliance with them, and the Turks supported his nomination as the new ruler of China. Thus, in the events of 609 – 617 AD the Eastern Turks played a key role, and contributed to the deterioration of the situation at the end of the Sui Dynasty as well as to the ascent to power of the future first emperor of the new Tang Dynasty, Li Yuan. 


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